11.3 Work

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What is work like in the Western world, and how can you construct a fulfilling career life?

Setting the Context: The Changing Landscape of Work

Let’s begin our discussion by spelling out three changes in the developed-world career landscape over the past half-century (I’ll be discussing that other sea change, women in the work force, at the end of the chapter):

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Having the flexibility to work at home is definitely a double-edged sword. Not only are you tempted to work on assignments when you should be paying attention to your child, but you are probably working far longer hours than if you had gone to the office.
Jamie Grill/Iconica/Getty Images

The benefit of the on-line revolution is work flexibility. People can telecommute from an office that is halfway around the world; or, even if their office is around the corner, work on their own schedule at home. This melding of work and home time, however, is a double-edged sword. Yes, not having to go into the office allows you to take the kids to the dentist or pick them up from school, but you are potentially on the job 24 hours a day. In fact, in several U.S. polls, people who reported working 50-plus hours per week had the most flexible schedules of all! (See Golden, 2008; see also Bianchi & Milkie, 2010; DiRenzo, Greenhaus, & Weer, 2011.)

Consider findings from the National Survey of the Changing Workforce (NSCW), a U.S. poll that regularly monitors the hours that workers work (Families and Work Institute, 2009). The survey showed that by the beginning of the twenty-first century, the 40-hour workweek was a relic of the past. In 2002, the typical male worker spent an average of 49 hours a week on his so-called 40-hour-a-week job (Galinsky and others, 2005).

In the European Union, governments limit overwork by requiring member states to keep work time to less than 48 hours per week. Japan, with its routine 50-plus work-week, clocks in with the longest working hours in the developing world. But because the United States doesn’t regulate work hours, employers are free to “encourage” their employees to stay on their jobs as much as they can (Fuwa, 2014).

One force propelling the drive to work longer hours is job insecurity. Especially since the Great Recession of 2008, people know that unless they perform well, they are at risk of getting fired. So one co-worker at your law firm works 100 hours per week. In order to keep your job, you feel compelled to work 75. Soon, not working weekends and evenings is defined as slacking off.

Clearly these kinds of treadmill pressures limit our joy in a job. What specifically makes for career happiness and success?

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Exploring Career Happiness (and Success)

Suppose you wanted to predict which high school classmates would be successful at their careers. It’s a no-brainer that you might bet on the class valedictorian or your friend from an affluent family. But some of you may know Harvard Ph.D.s or people with billionaire parents who are failing miserably to live up to their career potential. What are these people missing in life?

Clues come from that regular University of Michigan poll exploring health behaviors and attitudes in different cohorts of teens (discussed in Chapter 9). At their first evaluation, sampling high schoolers in 1979, the researchers measured what they called “core self-evaluations”: whether a person had high self-esteem, was optimistic or depressed, and felt in control of his life. Among people who graduated college, this single evaluation from decades earlier predicted work success by early midlife! (See Judge & Hurst, 2007.)

Why do attitudes such as optimism and self-efficacy matter so much when we are on the college or graduate track? One reason is that people who generally feel good about themselves gravitate to more rewarding fields (Drago, 2011). So, given equal GPAs, your college classmates with high self-esteem will tend to “go for” a more fulfilling career.

Once at work, people who have high self-efficacy proactively shape their jobs. They seek realistic feedback from their supervisors and ask for the kind of support that will make them effective employees (W. Li and others, 2014; L. Li and others, 2014). Interestingly, one study, sampling Israeli workers, showed having this efficacious “workerlike” attitude made a special difference when people saw their jobs as less than meaningful (Steger and others, 2013). Anyone can become engaged in a job if they are lucky to have compelling work. The challenge is to find meaning in less-than-optimal jobs.

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Because they view making a difference for young children as their life calling and this job fits their nurturing personalities, these male childcare workers have had the courage to choose a “gender atypical” career.
© Gideon Mendel/ Corbis

Other personality traits that go along with work success are having the emotion-regulation talents to disengage from job stress (Hülsheger and others, 2014) and gravitating to challenging tasks (Fossen & Vredenburgh, 2014). The goal is to view our job as a calling—perfectly expressing our identity, embodying our mission in life.

Are you blessed to see your work as a life calling? As I can tell you, there is no greater gratification than finding a career that you feel called to do. We might think that living a calling causes us to be committed to our work. One longitudinal study suggested the reverse. In a way similar to marriage, researchers found developing this feeling grew out of time spent committed to a career (Duffy and others, 2014). So, the reason I see writing textbooks as my life calling (it’s beshert!) came from years spent making writing the center of my life.

But seeing writing textbooks as my calling involved more than being committed to working hard. I lucked into a career that matched my personality!

Strategy 1: Match Career to Your Personality

According to John Holland’s (1997) classic theory, the key to work happiness is to find my kind of personality–career match. People who are sociable, those who crave continual human interaction, should not be textbook writers. If I needed to spend a lot of time outside, I would not be happy devoting days to scanning this computer screen. The closer we get to our ideal personality–career fit, Holland argues, the more satisfied and successful we can be at our jobs.

To promote this fit, Holland classifies six personality types, described in Table 11.5, and fits them to occupations. Based on their answers to items on a career inventory, people get a three-letter code, showing the three main categories into which they fit, in descending order of importance. If a person’s ranking is SAE (social, artistic, and entrepreneurial), that individual might find fulfillment directing an art gallery or managing a beautiful restaurant. If your code is SIE (social, investigative, and entrepreneurial), you might be better off marketing a new medicine for heart disease, or spending your work life as a practicing veterinarian.

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Still, even when people have found work that fits their personality, there is no guarantee that they will be happy at a job. What if your gallery director job involves mountains of paperwork and little time exercising your creative or social skills? Suppose your gallery is in financial trouble, and you have a micromanaging owner in charge? To find work happiness, it’s vital to consider the actual workplace too.

Strategy 2: Find an Optimal Workplace

What constitutes an ideal job situation? Workers agree that jobs should give us autonomy to exercise our creativity. We want caring colleagues, and organizations that are sensitive to our needs (Fossen & Vredenburgh, 2014). Remember from Chapter 7 that these same qualities—autonomy, nurturing, and relatedness—define ideal school environments. Ideally, we are looking for intrinsic career rewards—work that is fulfilling in itself.

Extrinsic career rewards, or external reinforcers, such as salary, can also be crucial, depending on a person’s situation. For instance, one longitudinal study showed intrinsic career rewards become less vital to work satisfaction as people (particularly men) moved through their twenties and had families—again suggesting that the breadwinner role remains a priority for twenty-first-century married men (Porfeli & Mortimer, 2010). As people age, they feel freer to focus more on enjoying working in itself (Kooij, Bal, & Kanfer, 2014; Allen & Finkelstein, 2014). Moreover, while money does not make for happiness, below a certain salary, family income has a dramatic impact on well-being. So, for the many workers who are struggling to make it from paycheck to paycheck, salary is a prime job concern. Unfortunately, having the luxury of viewing a job as an intrinsically gratifying, flow-inducing experience depends on having our “security needs” satisfied or knowing we can economically survive.

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Remember from Chapter 10 that flow states require that our skills match the demands of a given task. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that one poisonous job-related stress is “role ambiguity,” or a lack of clear work demands (Gilboa and others, 2008). If you are unsure of what people expect at your job, or have no guidelines as to how you can be effective, there is no chance of feeling “in flow.” If you are a nurse (and by extension, any worker), one Dutch study showed, feeling powerless to shape your work conditions is tailor-made to produce alienation (“I have to follow these ridiculous regulations. Plus I’m overwhelmed by paperwork, not patient care”) (Tummers & Den Dulk, 2013). A related problem is role overload—having way too much to do, to do an effective job—or role conflict—being torn between competing life demands.

This brings up the topic of family–work conflict. As hundreds of studies document, being pulled between the demands of a job and family is a major stress for women and men, especially during their parenting years (see, for example, Wattis, Standing, & Yerkes, 2013). But, without minimizing the fact that work-to-family conflict (“I feel guilty about not spending enough time with my son or daughter”) and family-to-work interference (“If I stay home with my sick child, I might get fired”) can cause anguish, a fulfilling job also energizes people to relate better as a parent or spouse (van Steenbergen, Kluwer, & Karney, 2014; Dunn & O’Brien, 2013; Gatrell and others, 2013).

How do women and men behave when faced with the competing pulls of family and career? For answers, let’s end this chapter with a status report on gender and work.

Hot in Developmental Science: A Final Status Report on Men, Women, and Work

Today, men say they are searching for well-educated, successful working-wives (Perrone-McGovern and others, 2014). How much have things changed with regard to twenty-first-century gender work roles?

With women now more likely than men to graduate from college in many nations, we might expect females to overtake males in their careers. Still, for the reasons below, traditional gender attitudes are alive and well in the world of work.

  • Women (especially when they are married) have more erratic, less continuous “careers” than men. For one thing, husbands are more apt to work continuously, while wives move in and out of the workforce to provide family care (Bianchi & Milkie, 2010). The first exit may occur early in adulthood. As one U.S. longitudinal survey showed, a pregnant woman has three times higher odds of leaving work than her counterpart who is not planning to have a child (Shafer, 2011). Another may happen in midlife, when she takes off time to care for her elderly parents as they become physically frail (see the next chapter for more information).

In places like Japan, which provide minimal government support for family care, an astonishing 3 out of 4 married working women exits the labor force after having a child (Fuwa, 2014). But in Sweden, a nation that encourages gender equality and offers both sexes equally lavish family leave, after becoming parents, women also become less committed to their jobs (Evertsson, 2014). Swedish leave-time statistics actually offer our best evidence that traditional work attitudes are alive and well (Duvander, 2014). Notice from Figure 11.6 that while women take ample leave time after giving birth, men in that nation more quickly leap to go back to their jobs!

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Figure 11.6: Parental leave time taken in Sweden for women (broken red line) and men (blue line): This chart shows that, in Sweden, women are apt to use far more family leave after a couple’s child is born than men—suggesting that in this most gender equal nation, traditional family and work roles still exist.
Data from: Duvander, 2014.
  • Women earn less than men, and jobs are gender defined. This difference may be partly due to economics. Men who work full time earn more than their female counterparts. In the United States in 2011, for instance, women’s wages on average stood at 82.4 percent of men’s salaries when both genders worked full time (U.S. Department of Labor, 2011).

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If we learn that this female executive is greatly out-earning her spouse, some not-so-nice images may pop into our minds.
Chris Ryan/OJO Images/Getty Images

We might think the cause is occupational segregation, meaning that work is divided into classically “male” (higher paying) and “female” (lower paying) jobs (Charles, 1992; Cohen, 2004; Reskin, 1993). Female-type jobs such as secretary or home health aide typically pay at the lower ends of the wage scale. However, the same wide salary gap occurs within comparable careers. So, as a U.S. female engineer, you can expect to earn considerably more than someone who majored in the arts; but you still will make, on average, a whopping $17,000 a year less than the typical male in that same field!

  • Society prioritizes salaries for fathers and expects married men to out-earn their wives. Although this wage disparity is partly due to women’s less continuous careers, societal attitudes also are involved. In the United States, fatherhood is associated with a wage rise of 4 percent (Killewald, 2013). The interesting fact that stepfathers and cohabiting men don’t show this statistical income jump suggests that employers implicitly believe that men deserve to bring home more bacon when they are married and father a child.

Actually, the fact that (at least in the United States) people don’t feel it’s quite kosher for married women to bring home most of the bacon is supported by other evidence: Researchers gave undergraduates fictitious scenarios in which they were asked to rate the qualifications of a person for promotion. When they arranged to have everything be equal, but made the main wage earner a wife (saying her salary was $100,000 in a household reporting an income of $150,000), both males and females rated this person as basically less qualified to advance (Triana, 2011).

There is even a sexual counterpart to this connection to traditional gender roles. When researchers studied prescription-use patterns (in Denmark, no less), married men in that nation whose wives out-earned them were more apt to take erectile dysfunction medication than their peers (Pierce, Dahl, & Nielson, 2013). And, just as depressing, U.S. researchers found that spouses who adopted the traditional housework arrangement, with the wives doing the cooking and cleaning, reported having more marital sex! (See Kornrich, Brines, & Leupp, 2013.)

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The bottom line is that the women’s movement seems to have changed society (and our inner sex-role feelings) less than we thought. But if you think I’m advocating reverting back to the l950s Leave It to Beaver era, you are wrong. The great benefit of the lifestyle revolution is that today both women and men can express their human potential in work and love. The next chapter is all about expressing your human potential during adult life.

Tying It All Together

Question 11.11

Michael, age 30, has just begun his career. Compared to his grandfather, who entered his career 50 years ago, what two predictions can you make for Michael?

  1. Michael will change jobs more often than his grandpa.

  2. Michael will work fewer hours per week than his grandpa.

  3. Michael will have less traditional work hours than his grandpa.

a and c

Question 11.12

Vanessa, a bubbly, outgoing 30-year-old, has what her friends see as a perfect job: She’s a researcher in a one-person office, with flexible hours; she has a large, quiet workspace; a boss who is often away; job security; and great pay. Yet Vanessa is unhappy with the job. According to Holland’s theory, what is the problem?

Vanessa’s isolated work environment doesn’t fit her sociable personality. She needs ample chances to interact with people during the day.

Question 11.13

Malia and her husband work full time. Statistically speaking, you can make two of the following predictions:

  1. Malia will probably take more time off from work for family caregiving.

  2. Malia will probably earn less than her spouse.

  3. Malia will probably be less well-educated than her spouse.

a and b

Question 11.14

According to this chapter, with regard to family and work, traditional gender roles still exist/no longer exist.

still exist