Some forms of male aggression are directed primarily at women. Men are on average more physically aggressive, larger in size, and have greater power and status in society, giving them a clear advantage in physical altercations. Furthermore, because women can block some of men’s specific desires (or be perceived to block them), women have been common targets of male aggression in many places and times over the course of history (Brownmiller, 1975; Gelles, 2007). Thus, substantial theory and research have focused on two common forms of violence directed at women: domestic violence and sexual coercion.

You hit me once

I hit you back

You gave a kick

I gave a slap

You smashed a plate

Over my head

Then I set fire to our bed….

A kiss with a fist is better than none

Florence and the Machine (2008), “Kiss with a Fist”

Domestic violence is violence between current or former romantic partners. Although some self-report survey research suggests that in heterosexual relationships, the frequency of physical aggression by males and females is actually the same (Straus, 2005), males clearly engage in more injurious and lethal physical aggression against their partners than females do (Gelles, 2007). Many of the causal contributors to aggression that we have already discussed also contribute to domestic violence against women (e.g., Hamberger & Hastings, 1991; MacEwen & Barling, 1988; O’Leary & Vivian, 1990). FIGURE 12.11 provides a more detailed presentation of how some of these factors fit together. In addition, macho cultures of honor often promote attitudes that are particularly accepting of violence against women (e.g., Vandello & Cohen, 2003). Male abusers tend to hold beliefs that condone violence against women, such as the belief that marital violence is acceptable (Stith & Farley, 1993).

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Research on the personalities of male domestic violence offenders has revealed three types, each characterizing about a third of total offenders (Dutton, 1998; Geen, 2001). The first type, the psychopathic abuser, is likely to employ physical aggression both inside and outside the relationship. These men are bullies with low impulse control and often a history of violent incidents. The second type, the overcontrolled abuser, is a man who generally is not violent but builds up resentments from various aspects of his life and eventually uses his relationship partner as a target for his displaced aggression.

The third and perhaps best-understood type, the borderline abuser, is narcissistic and likely to have a borderline personality organization, which entails an uncertain, insecure sense of self, a proclivity for defensiveness, abandonment issues, anger, and impulsivity (Dutton, 2002). These men tend to have experienced disordered childhood attachment with one or both parents that involved neglect or abuse, and to have been shamed in childhood, typically by their fathers. They are overly dependent on their relationship partner for psychological security and consequently use jealous outbursts to control their partner. This type of offender often traps a woman in a cyclical pattern of escalating tension, hostility, and abuse, followed by contrition (e.g., “Baby, please don’t leave me. I promise I’ll quit drinking and never do that again.”) (Dutton, 2002; Walker, 1979). The 1984 award-winning film The Burning Bed portrays the true story of a woman caught in this cycle who endured over 15 years of on-again, off-again abuse. Finally, as the title implies, she did something drastic about it (Avnet et al., 1984).

Sexual coercion occurs when an individual forces sexual behavior such as kissing, fondling, or sexual penetration on another person. The most severe form of sexual coercion is rape, forcing individuals to engage in sexual intercourse against their will. Rape is generally more traumatic for the victim than are other forms of physical assault (Malamuth & Huppin, 2007). The great majority of rapes of women are committed by men who know their female victims. Date rape, which occurs in the context of dating or an ongoing romantic relationship, is more common than rape by a stranger (Catanese, 2007; Malamuth & Huppin, 2007). Almost half of college women report having been sexually coerced at least once, and 6 to 15% of college women report having been raped.

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Perhaps more disturbing are the data that come from men themselves. Fifteen to 30% of American college men admit having engaged in at least one act of sexual coercion (Catanese, 2007; Malamuth & Huppin, 2007). The pioneering researcher Neil Malamuth (1981) went one step further, asking men on a 1 to 5 scale (where 1 represents zero likelihood) how likely was it they would rape a woman if they knew they could get away with it. In American college student samples, 65% of males choose 1, but 35% said the likelihood was higher than zero. When you think about all the social pressures against admitting that one would carry out a felony act of violence, a man who indicates anything other than a 1 (zero likelihood) is someone to be concerned about.

Men who rape and commit other acts of sexual coercion are motivated by a combination of being turned on by the idea of dominating women and by insecurity about and hostility toward women (Malamuth & Huppin, 2007). Both convicted rapists and men who report a higher than 0% chance of raping a woman if they could get away with it report being aroused by stories of women being forced to have sex (Barbaree & Marshall, 1991; Donnerstein et al., 1987). These men also lack empathy for others, tend to be narcissistic, and believe rape myths (Burt, 1980). Such myths include the beliefs that women like to be dominated, are aroused by the idea of being raped, and bring the attacks on themselves. Table 12.1 lists some common rape myths and statements that researchers have used to measure men’s endorsement of them (Payne et al., 1999).

Sexually aggressive men also associate sex with power. Indeed, when men prone to sexual aggression (but not other men) are subtly primed with power-related stimuli (e.g., words such as influence, authority, and control), they rate a female confederate as more attractive (Bargh et al., 1995). Sexually aggressive men also tend to view friendliness from a female as a sexual invitation and view female assertiveness as hostility (Murphy et al., 1986; Zurbriggen, 2000). Malamuth (2007) has labeled this combination of motivations, attitudes, perceptions, and beliefs the hostile masculinity syndrome. Men who have this syndrome are likely to engage in acts of sexual coercion, especially if they are sexually promiscuous. They are also likely to abuse their spouses. Convicted rapists display this syndrome, but in addition, they are more likely than other sexually aggressive males to have a general history of aggressiveness (Malamuth & Huppin, 2007).

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The prevalence of this syndrome has led some evolutionary theorists to speculate that it occurs in some present-day men because it is a sexual strategy that (though abhorrent) could have been an effective means of perpetuating one’s genes into future generations (Buss & Malamuth, 1996; Thornhill & Thornhill, 1992).

In contrast, more feminist and socially oriented theorists and researchers (e.g., Brownmiller, 1975; Donnerstein et al., 1987) have focused on the ways that cultural environments promote beliefs in rape myths, make domination of women seem normative, and objectify women, portraying them as mere objects of sexual pleasure for men (as we discussed in chapters 10 and 11). For example, a substantial body of research supports a strong learning component to a propensity to engage in sexual aggression. Not only do mainstream films often depict sexual coercion and sometimes even rape as pleasing to women, but participants randomly assigned to watch such films (compared with control films) report an increased belief in rape myths and acceptance of violence against women (Donnerstein et al., 1987; Malamuth & Check, 1981). In other experiments, male participants assigned to watch pornographic films that depict violence against women became more aggressive toward a female confederate who insulted them (e.g., Donnerstein et al., 1987). Although nonviolent pornography depicting consensual sex doesn’t have this same effect, long-term exposure to even nonviolent sex scenes predicts greater acceptance of violence against women and increases the likelihood of sexual aggression (Donnerstein et al., 1987; Geen, 2001; Hald et al., 2010).

Taken together, the experimental and correlational research suggests that films that reinforce rape myths and portray women as victims of violence or sex objects may indeed contribute to aggression against women in the real world. Furthermore, this is especially likely for men characterized by the hostile masculinity syndrome (Vega & Malamuth, 2007).