AP-Style Short Answer Questions for Part 6
1. Industrialization transformed the United States between 1877 and 1917. Use your knowledge of United States history to answer parts A, B, and C.
A) Briefly explain how the process of industrialization depended on the contributions of ONE of the following groups:
Entrepreneurs
Workers
Farmers
B) Briefly explain how a group you did not discuss in part A understood its importance in the industrial economy.
C) Briefly identify and describe ONE organization that emerged between 1877 and 1917 to address the two groups’ conflicting notions of their claims.
Question 106.1
HOXW1r3CPIiFZCo3Gd5aszqkg5NK8u27CKrYQhGAUc2vBR7H778Z4vRR0oQaewLMRLA2+UEu2KrwhqDlVYx5aW7yWkf5s/GqfAZTWw==2. Question 2 refers to Map 19.2: The Expansion of Chicago, 1865–1902.
Map 19.2 depicts the city of Chicago as it expanded between 1865 and 1902. The 1865 city is in the center, ringed by a purple border. The 1902 city is surrounded by a black border. Use your knowledge of United States history and Map 19.2 to answer parts A and B.
A) Briefly explain TWO factors that led to the tremendous expansion of the city between 1865 and 1902.
B) Briefly explain ONE of the critical differences between the residential areas near the center of the city in 1902 and those near the city’s periphery at that time.
Question 106.2
BzeHTN12f8U9wyEHUrpIcq+mKpc+Gvyw7oULiFl4TWbfvH+RfPkjFVwsZc0+QsKACOCkoHbnqgc1nrcfrlnIKFXE2ZeJVwnUm4GWZw==3. Use your knowledge of United States history and the excerpt below to answer parts A, B, and C.
How shall we distinguish this human, or anthropic, method from the method of nature? Simply by reversing all the definitions. Art is the antithesis of nature. If we call one the natural method, we must call the other the artificial method. If nature’s process is rightly named natural selection, man’s process is artificial selection. The survival of the fittest is simply the survival of the strong, which implies, and might as well be called, the destruction of the weak. And if nature progresses through the destruction of the weak, man progresses through the protection of the weak. . . .
. . . Man, through his intelligence, has labored successfully to resist the law of nature. His success is conclusively demonstrated by a comparison of his condition with that of other species of animals. No other cause can be assigned for his superiority. How can the naturalistic philosophers shut their eyes to such obvious facts? Yet, what is their attitude? They condemn all attempts to protect the weak, whether by private of public methods. They claim that it deteriorates the race by enabling the unfit to survive and transmit their inferiority. . . . Nothing is easier than to show that the unrestricted competition of nature does not secure the survival of the fittest possible, but only of the actually fittest, and in every attempt man makes to obtain something fitter than this actual fittest he succeeds, as witness improved breeds of animals and grafts of fruits. Now, the human method of protecting the weak deals in such way with men. It not only increases the number but improves the quality.
Source: Lester Frank Ward, Glimpses of the Cosmos (1913)
A) Identify and briefly explain ONE argument the author made in this excerpt to oppose the ideology of Social Darwinism.
B) Briefly explain ONE of the following individuals’ efforts to “protect the weak” in the urban and industrial society of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries:
Jane Addams
Jacob Riis
Upton Sinclair
C) Identify and briefly explain ONE piece of federal legislation enacted in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century to address the inequities that characterized urban and industrial America.
Question 106.3
y6ZI9IoWZAKhP/MduK0/USzYpWURWf1FBNiCkH7cCMe6Ej8sYTmlhifOwOx+WFj6r9/huowPHGcjxMXeaynpWEXDsXLHUwLXy+BYSQ==4. Question 4 is based on the following two passages.
“[T]he chief contribution of the Progressive movement to the democratic cause is to be found in its discovery of the fundamentally undemocratic nature of the federal Constitution. . . . For a century the Constitution had been a symbol of national unity. . . . To criticize it was reckoned disloyal. . . . But with the rising revolt against the custodianship of government by financial and industrial interests came a new critical interest in the fundamental law. Discovering that its hands were tied the democracy began to question the reason for the bonds that constrained its movements . . . and the question of the desirability of an eighteenth-century document that by its complexity unduly impeded the functioning of the democratic will.”
Vernon Parrington, Main Currents in American Thought, 1927
“To battle the rich and their political satellites, progressives rallied ‘the people’ and supported a clutch of reforms intended to open up political participation. . . . But a narrow definition of ‘the people’ dictated antiparticipatory reforms as well. . . . The progressives’ political strength was their ability to project the ‘people’ against the powerful; their political weakness was their willingness to segregate the ballot box and thereby keep so many people out of the battle against privilege.”
Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920, published in 2003
Using your knowledge of U.S. history and the two excerpts above, answer parts A, B, and C.
A) Briefly explain ONE major difference between Parrington’s and McGerr’s interpretations.
B) Briefly account for the differences between the two historians’ interpretations of the same movement.
C) Briefly explain how someone supporting McGerr’s interpretation could use ONE piece of evidence from the period 1877–1917 not directly mentioned in the excerpt.