Document 10-2: Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party (1842)

Insurgent Democrats Flex Political Power

FITZWILLIAM BYRDSALL, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party (1842)

The curiously named Loco-Foco faction within the Democratic Party is an example of the extent to which the Revolutionary-era ideals of liberty affected popular politics in this period. Increasingly, party leaders discovered how difficult it was to control rank-and-file members. In the scene described here, the Loco-Focos (or the Equal Rights Party), a working men’s splinter group of Democrats led by Joel Curtis, crashes a party meeting managed by Tammany Hall, the name of the traditional party leadership. Disgruntled, the party bosses leave the hall and turn off the gaslights. The insurgents light “loco-focos,” a kind of match, to keep the meeting going. The passage ends with a list of resolutions adopted at the meeting. These resolutions illustrate the radicalism of this group. Their opposition to the Second Bank, however, was a standard part of the Jacksonian political program.

Everything being arranged, the sovereign people are again called upon to approve or disapprove the acts of their nominating (appointing) committee. At the hour named, the doors of the great room are opened from the inside, to the congregated hundreds on the outside; — when lo! the actors by some secret passage are already on the stage and perfect in their parts. Order being partially obtained, the tickets are read, the vote is taken and declared in the affirmative; the farce is over, the meeting is adjourned, and the “regular ticket” is announced next day to those who always submit to the majority, and never vote any other.

The clock has just struck seven, and the doors of Tammany Hall are opening for the democracy. What a mass of human beings rush forward into the room! Yet they are late, for George D. Strong,1 who came up the back stairs, has already nominated Isaac L. Varian,2 who also ascended by the same way, for the chair, and the latter is hastening towards it before the question is heard by a fifth part of the crowd. Joel Curtis is nominated as the room is filling up, and the loud “aye” of the Equal Rights Democracy calls him to the chair. The honest workingman approaches it, and now begins the contest between monopoly and its opponents. There is a struggle of gladiators on the platform around the chair; — the loudest vociferations are heard, and Tammany trembles with intestine war. The contest at length becomes more furious; men are struggling with each other as if for empire, while the multitude in the body of the room are like the waves of a tempestuous sea. But who is he, that man of slender form and youthful appearance, the foremost in the struggle? Equal Rights men, your chief should be a man of stalwart frame; but there is hope, for your cause is good, and the indomitable spirit of equality is in that slender man. “Cheers for Ming!” — What! is that the office-holder? He who is always up with every rising of the people? He openly dares the majesty of monopoly, even in its temple; — he disregards the tenure of his office, for the elevating principle of Equality of Rights — the honest war-cry of “opposition to all monopolies” have aroused the democratic enthusiasm of his heart, and he counts not the cost. It is so! — he is unconsciously, for the occasion, and the time being, the natural hero of humanity, striving with all his energy of character to place Joel Curtis in the chair, as the representative of the masses. Unquestionably it is a contest for empire between man and monopoly.

Behold! a broad banner is spread before the eyes of the vast assemblage, and all can read its inscription: “Joel Curtis, the Anti-Monopolist chairman.

The efforts of Isaac L. Varian and the monopoly democracy are futile to obtain order, or to read their ticket of nominations so as to be heard, or any decision had thereon. They are struck with amazement at the sight of another banner with the inscription “Anti-Monopolist Democrats are opposed to Gideon Lee,3 Ringgold, West, and Conner4”; and another with “We go all gold but Ringgold.” What a desecration of the usages! […]

But behold — there is the broadest banner of all, and it is greeted with cheers. It is the whole of the antimonopoly ticket for Congress and the Legislature, so that all can see and read where none can distinctly hear. The shouts of the Equal Rights’ Democracy are still more deafening. But heartfelt cheers are given to that banner which declares for Leggett: “The Times must change ere we desert our Post.

The struggle is drawing towards a close. Isaac L. Varian believes the evidence presented to his senses, and in attempting to leave the chair, to which he is forcibly held down by George D. Strong and a member of the Common Council since dead, he exclaims, “Let me get out, gentlemen, we are in the minority here!” They held him fast; — but there! the chair is upset, and Isaac L. Varian is thrown from it. Instantly Joel Curtis, the true-hearted workingman is in it, both by right and fact, while two banners speak to the democracy, “Don’t adjourn” — “Sustain the chair.” There is clapping of hands and triumphant cheers. What can the discomfited do?

They have done it. When they got down stairs they turned off the gas. It is half-past seven, and the darkness of midnight is in Tammany Hall. Nothing but the demon spirit of monopoly, in its war upon humanity, could have been wicked enough to involve such an excited throng in total darkness.

Let there be light, and there is light!” A host of fire-fly lights are in the room — loco-foco matches are ignited, candles are lit, and they are held up by living and breathing chandeliers. It is a glorious illumination! There are loud and long plaudits and huzzas, such as Tammany never before echoed from its foundations.

Reader, if this were not a victory over Monopoly, a blow, at least, was struck upon the hydra-headed monster, from which it never recovered.

The anti-monopoly ticket was enthusiastically adopted by the apparently undiminished multitude. Resolutions of the same character were passed, from which we select the following:

Resolved — That, in a free state, all distinctions but those of merit are odious and oppressive, and ought to be discouraged by a people jealous of their liberties.

Resolved — That all laws which directly or indirectly infringe the free exercise and enjoyment of equal rights and privileges by the great body of the people, are odious, unjust, and unconstitutional in their nature and effect, and ought to be abolished.

Resolved — For all amounts of money, gold and silver are the only legitimate, substantial, and proper, circulating medium of our country.

Resolved — That perpetuities and monopolies are offensive to freedom, contrary to the genius and spirit of a free state and the principles of commerce, and ought not to be allowed.

Resolved — That we are in favor of a strict construction of the Constitution of the United States, and we are therefore opposed to the United States Bank, as being unconstitutional and opposed to the genius and spirit of our democratic institutions, and subversive of the great and fundamental principles of equal rights and privileges, asserted in the charter of our liberties.

Resolved — That we are opposed to all bank charters granted by individual states, because we believe them founded on, and as giving an impulse to principles of speculation and gambling, at war with good morals and just and equal government, and calculated to build up and strengthen in our country the odious distribution of wealth and power against merit and equal rights; and every good citizen is bound to war against them as he values the blessings of free government.

Resolved — That we receive the Evening Post with open arms to the bosom of the Democratic family, and that the efforts of its talented editors must and shall receive our uncompromising support.”

F. Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party, Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Sketches of Its Prominent Men (New York: Clement & Packard, 1842), 24–27.

READING AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

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