KEY THEME

Gender-role stereotypes are the beliefs and expectations that people hold about the characteristics and behaviors of each sex.

KEY QUESTIONS

The beliefs people have about the typical characteristics and behaviors of each sex are referred to as gender-role stereotypes. In our culture, gender-role stereotypes for men and women are very different. Women are thought (and expected) to be more emotional, nurturing, and patient than are men. Men are thought (and expected) to be more aggressive, decisive, and mechanically minded than are women (Rudman & Glick, 2008, 2012). People often assume that gender stereotypes are derogatory toward women. In the United States, however, both men and women view the female gender-role stereotype more positively than the male gender-role stereotype (T. L. Lee & others, 2010). Still, psychologists Peter Glick and Susan Fiske (2001; 2003) argue that accepting positive stereotypes of women can produce a type of prejudice called benevolent sexism. While benevolent sexism is more socially acceptable than hostile sexism, it can contribute to gender inequality (Sibley & Perry, 2010; Glick & Fiske, 2012). As Glick and Fiske observe, “Characterizing women as pure creatures who ought to be protected, supported, and adored … implies that they are weak and best suited for conventional gender roles.”

What about gender-role stereotypes in other cultures? In a survey of more than 25 cultures, psychologists John Williams and his colleagues (1999) and Deborah Best (2001) discovered a high degree of agreement on the characteristics associated with each sex (see TABLE 10.1). In general, the characteristics associated with males tended to be stronger and more active than the characteristics associated with females. In countries such as Japan, South Africa, and Nigeria, characteristics associated with the male stereotype were viewed more favorably than were characteristics associated with the female stereotype. However, the reverse was true in other countries, such as Italy, Peru, and Australia.

Are men and women radically different? It’s a common theme in some self-help books, such as the series of books inspired by Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus (Gray, 2012).

When psychologists scientifically investigate the issue of gender differences, what do they find? Are men and women fundamentally different in all areas of their lives, as is often claimed in the popular media? Not really. In many aspects of behavior, including social, personality, and cognitive aspects, men and women are very similar (Gerber, 2009; Guimond, 2008; Hyde, 2007). And despite the claims of popular self-help books, men and women do not tend to perceive themselves as being diametrically opposite (Barnett & Hyde, 2001). Indeed, prominent researchers have encouraged a focus on gender similarities as well as differences. As Janet Hyde (2014) points out, the emphasis on gender differences can overshadow the far greater number of gender similarities.

Nevertheless, there are some significant differences between the sexes, even beyond the obvious anatomical differences (Eagly & others, 2004; Wood & Eagly, 2010). However, many psychologists (including many of those who write textbooks) are reluctant to point out the gender differences that have been substantiated. Why? Basically, because some people are quick to equate a gender difference with a gender deficiency. For example, women’s differences from men have historically been used to suggest that women are inferior to men (Moradi & others, 2010; Nutt, 2010). Not surprisingly, the gender-difference-equals-inferiority argument has also been used by some to suggest that men are inferior to women.

Beyond claims of inferiority, beliefs in gender differences have also been used to deny opportunities to one sex or the other. Here’s an example. In the early 1970s, many people—including educators and politicians—believed that girls lacked the strength, stamina, or aggressiveness needed to participate in competitive sports. Girls just weren’t suited to such activities, was the claim. In 1971, only 1 in 27 girls in the United States played high school sports. Today, almost 3 million girls—or 1 in every 2.5 girls—play on varsity high school sports teams in the United States (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2013). Why the leap in sports participation? A major factor was the passage of Title IX, a federal law that forbids sex discrimination in educational programs, including athletics, by any institution receiving federal funds.

We’ve already noted some gender differences in previous chapters, such as male–female differences in friendship patterns (Chapter 9). But before we note other differences, two important qualifications need to be stressed. First, the differences between men and women are average differences, not absolute differences. As with other generalizations in psychology, no single finding will apply to all men and women. For example, consider the general finding that men tend to think about sex more often than do women (King & others, 2009; Tiegs & others, 2007). When you look at the actual data from one national survey in FIGURE 10.1, you quickly see that some women (19 percent) think about sex more often than almost half the male population. Moreover, in one study, researchers observed that men were more likely than women to think about sex, but they were also more likely than women to think about other biological needs—sleep and food (Fisher, Moore, & Pittenger, 2012). The point here is that we tend to focus on the gender differences that fit our expectations. For any given gender difference, there is a wide range of individual variation within each group. There is also quite a bit of overlap between the two groups.

Second, finding that a gender difference exists is one matter. Explaining what caused that difference is another matter altogether. For instance, consider the observation that women are more likely than men to wear earrings. This finding says nothing about the cause of that difference. Acknowledging that a gender difference exists does not automatically mean that such differences are “natural,” “inevitable,” or “unchangeable.” Nor does it necessarily mean that the differences are biologically based.

Bearing these qualifications in mind, let’s look at three areas of gender differences: personality, cognitive abilities, and sexual attitudes and behaviors. Although some differences do exist in these areas, men and women are more similar than they are different (Hyde, 2007, 2014).

PERSONALITY DIFFERENCES

For most personality characteristics, there are no significant average differences between men and women. For example, women and men are, on average, very similar on such characteristics as impulsiveness and orderliness. However, men and women consistently differ on two personality dimensions. The first is that women tend to be more nurturant than men. The second is that men tend to be more assertive than women (Schmitt & others, 2008; Palomares, 2009).

Summarizing several studies, including cross-cultural research, psychologist Richard Lippa (2010) found that women tended to be more “people-oriented” and less “thing-oriented” than men. As psychologist Alice Eagly (1995a) observed, “In general, women tend to manifest behaviors that can be described as socially sensitive, friendly, and concerned with others’ welfare, whereas men tend to manifest behaviors that can be described as dominant, controlling, and independent.”

DIFFERENCES IN EMOTIONALITY

Many people also believe that women are much more emotional than men. One of our culture’s most pervasive gender stereotypes is that women express their emotions more frequently and intensely than men do. In contrast, men supposedly are calmer and possess greater emotional control (Vigil, 2009). Studies have shown that both men and women view women as the more emotional sex (Barrett & Bliss-Moreau, 2009). Women also place a higher value on emotional expressiveness than do men (Shields, 2002). But do such widely held stereotypes reflect actual gender differences in emotional experience?

Like so many stereotypes, the gender stereotypes of emotions are not completely accurate. As psychologists Michael Robinson and Gerald Clore (2002) point out, both men and women believe that their emotions differ far more than they actually do. In fact, research suggests that women and men are fairly similar in the experience of emotions, although they do differ in the expression of emotions. For example, researchers have found that women sometimes are more emotionally expressive than men, even when women and men do not differ in the self-ratings of emotions that they experience (Kring & Albert Gordon, 1998; Thunberg & Dimberg, 2000).

How can we account for the gender differences in emotional expression? First, psychologists have consistently found differences in the types of emotions expressed by men and women (see Shields, 2002). Agneta Fischer and her colleagues (2004) reported a consistent pattern in 37 cultures around the world: Women report experiencing and expressing more sadness, fear, and guilt, while men report experiencing and expressing more anger and hostility. Fischer and her colleagues (2004) argue that the male role encourages the expression of emotions that emphasize power and assertiveness—emotions that confirm the person’s autonomy and status. In contrast, the female role encourages the expression of emotions that imply self-blame, vulnerability, and helplessness—emotions that help maintain social harmony with others by minimizing conflict and hostility.

For both men and women, the expression of emotions is also strongly influenced by culturally determined display rules, or societal norms of appropriate behavior in different situations. In many cultures, including the United States, women are allowed a wider range of emotional expressiveness and responsiveness than men. For men, it’s considered “unmasculine” to be too open in expressing certain emotions. Crying is especially taboo (Warner & Shields, 2007). Thus, there are strong cultural and gender-role expectations concerning emotional expressiveness and sensitivity.

Does women’s higher emotional expressivity clash with a high-powered career? You may have heard the stereotype that women’s tendency toward greater emotional expressiveness translates into an inability to be a strong leader. A recent Harvard Business Review (2013) headline, for example, read: “Emotional, bossy, too nice: The biases that still hold female leaders back.” Yet, there is research linking effective leadership with the ability to express emotions (Ilies & others, 2013; Riggio & Reicherd, 2008). And there are suggestions that successful leadership styles have shifted in recent years, with an increasing value placed on a combination of stereotypically masculine and stereotypically feminine traits (Koenig & others, 2011). These findings are good news for the slowly increasing numbers of women in top leadership positions that were historically held by men. From Marissa Mayer, President and CEO of Yahoo!, to Dilma Rousseff, President of Brazil, to Mary Barra, CEO of General Motors, it’s less surprising to see female leaders than it was even a decade ago.

COGNITIVE DIFFERENCES

Is one sex smarter, more logical, or more creative than the other? No. For most cognitive abilities, there are no significant differences between males and females (Buss, 1995b; Hyde, 2007). However, once again, some limited differences do exist in this area (see FIGURE 10.2). Here are some of the best-substantiated gender-related cognitive differences.

The difference in math skills deserves more comment. One widely believed stereotype is that males are much better than females at math (Schmader & others, 2004). However, over the last several decades, the so-called gender gap in mathematics has been steadily narrowing. Today, girls score just as highly as boys on national tests of math skills (Else-Quest & others, 2010). However, it is true that more males than females score in the very highest range in advanced math achievement tests (Lohman & Lakin, 2009; McGraw & others, 2006; Forgasz & others, 2010). One possible explanation is that very advanced mathematics draws heavily upon spatial abilities (Halpern & others, 2007).

Even when differences exist, they may be culturally influenced. For example, a study focused on science performance found that although there is a gap in favor of boys in the United States, that is not the case worldwide. An international study of 65 countries found no overall differences (OECD, 2010). In fact, in 21 countries, girls performed better, on average, than boys, while in 11 countries, boys performed better, on average, than girls. There was no significant difference in the remaining countries.

Some researchers believe that cognitive differences between the sexes, such as the female advantage in verbal skills and the male advantage in spatial skills, are due to sex differences in brain function or organization. However, as we discussed in Chapter 2, male and female brains are, like male and female personality traits, far more similar than different (Halpern & others, 2011; Jordan-Young, 2010).

Further, there is evidence that it may be the expression of gender roles, rather than gender itself, that leads to this gender difference. A meta-analysis of studies from five countries found that higher levels of masculinity, for both women and men, predicted better mental rotation. Meanwhile, there was no significant correlation between femininity and mental rotation (Reilly & Neumann, 2013). We explore gender differences in science and mathematics further in the Critical Thinking box.

SEXUAL ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIORS

Do men and women differ in their sexual attitudes, preferences, and behaviors? A recent meta-analysis of over 800 studies from 87 different countries investigated gender differences in sexuality (Petersen & Hyde, 2010). The meta-analysis found that men and women were similar on many dimensions. There were only small differences between men and women. However, men reported more permissive sexual attitudes than women, including much greater acceptance of casual sex. Men also tended to have more sexual partners than women and experienced their first intercourse at an earlier average age. The biggest difference was in the incidence of masturbation and use of pornography, with men reporting a higher incidence than women (Petersen & Hyde, 2010).

However, these results must be taken with a grain of salt. Some researchers have found that both men and women tend to be less than honest in their responses to questions about their sexual behaviors and attitudes (Alexander & Fisher, 2003). Both sexes distort their responses to better match gender norms and expectations—although in opposite directions (Fisher, 2009). While women tend to downplay or minimize their sexual experiences, men tend to exaggerate theirs. In addition, some surveys have found fewer or no sex differences in terms of numbers of sexual partners, desired number of sexual partners, and actual sexual behavior, especially among college students (Paul & others, 2000; Pedersen & others, 2002).

So there you have it. On the whole, men and women are more similar than they are different. In the next section, we’ll look at how each of us learns to identify ourselves as either male or female.