Antony came out on the losing end of his battle with Octavian, and as a result we know relatively little about his version of his relationship with Cleopatra. Much in the same way that our view of Cleopatra includes little of her own perspective, our view of Antony is based largely on the writings of his opponents and their supporters. Plutarch’s (ca. 46–120 C.E.) Life of Antony fits this pattern. Written as part of a series of biographies of famous Greeks and Romans, Plutarch’s work was meant to highlight the virtues and vices that shaped his subjects’ lives. In Antony’s case, Plutarch’s emphasis was clearly on vice, linking Antony’s downfall to his personal flaws and moral failings. In this excerpt from Life of Antony, Plutarch describes Antony’s initiation of a relationship with Cleopatra, as well as Antony’s defense of his own conduct. As you read it, consider how Plutarch might have his intended his readers to respond to Antony’s “defense.”

The calamity that had been dormant for a long time, his love for Cleopatra, lulled to sleep and enchanted by better reasoning, again blazed up and roused itself as he approached Syria. Finally, like the horse Plato describes as hard to control and unresponsive to the whip, Antony shook off all noble and redemptive things and sent Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra to Syria. He rewarded her when she arrived and granted her no small prizes, but Phoenicia, Central Syria, Cyprus, and much of Cilicia. In addition to these, he granted her the part of Juaea that produces balsam and as much of Nabataean Arabia as borders the outer sea. These gifts to her annoyed the Romans. Previously, Antony had granted tetrarchies and kingships over great peoples to many private individuals; he had taken kingdoms away from many rulers like Antigonus of Judaea, whom he had brought out and beheaded, although none of the other kings had ever been punished in this way. But the shameful thing was the extremely distressing honors given to Cleopatra. He increased that scandal by acknowledging the children he had with her, calling one Alexander Helios and one Cleopatra Selene. But Antony was skilled in putting a positive spin on disgraceful acts and said that the greatness of Rome was shown not thorough taking kingdoms, but granting them, and that, if one has a noble ancestry, it should be spread by begetting heirs from many sovereigns. It was thus, he claimed, his ancestor had been begotten from Hercules, who did not place his successors in a single womb, and did not respect Solon’s laws of legitimate conception, but gave license to his nature to leave behind many beginnings and foundations.

Octavian publicized these events in the Senate and, by frequently criticizing Antony before the people, he provoked the majority against Antony. Antony, too, sent word condemning Octavian in return. The greatest accusations were: first, that Octavian had failed to give Antony a share of Sicily after capturing it from Pompey; second, that Octavian had used Antony’s ships for the war and not returned them; third, that Octavian had removed their colleague Lepidus from power, dishonored him, and then took his army, territory, and income; on top of it all, that Octavian had distributed almost all available Italian land to his own soldiers, leaving nothing for Antony’s men. Octavian responded to these charges by saying that he had terminated Lepidus’s command on the grounds that he was abusing his power, that he would share what he had conquered in war with Antony once Antony shared Armenia with him, and that he would not give any share of Italy to Antony’s soldiers, for they had Media and Parthia, which they had won for the Romans by fighting nobly with their commander.

Octavian was distressed when he heard of the speed and size of Antony’s preparations, at the prospect of being forced into war that summer. He still lacked many supplies and the Romans were resentful over the taxes he had imposed, for some were required to pay one quarter of their income and freedmen one eighth of their net worth. Both groups rebelled and there were protests throughout Italy over the measure. For this reason, people say that putting off the war was Antony’s biggest mistake, since he gave Octavian time to prepare and the Italians’ tempers time to cool: in the thick of the controversy, they were angry, but once it was behind them and they had paid the taxes, they became calm. Titus and Plancus, friends of Antony of consular rank whom Cleopatra offended (they vehemently opposed her accompanying the expedition) deserted and went over to Octavian, sharing with him some details of the contents of Antony’s will, which they knew. The will was kept by the Vestal Virgins, who, when Octavian asked for it, refused to give it to him, but told him that if he wished to take it, he could come and do so. Thus, he went and took it. First, he went through the document himself in private and put a mark next to passages he could attack easily. Then he gathered the Senate and read it, though most of the Senators did not support his actions. It seemed to them monstrous and terrible that someone still living should have to submit to an audit of his accounts, when he did not wish it done until after his death. Octavian attacked the document in particular where Antony’s burial was concerned. Indeed, Antony had ordered that his body, if he died in Rome, be carried in a procession through the Forum and then conveyed to Alexandria and placed in Cleopatra’s care. Calvisius, a friend of Octavian, brought additional charges against Antony relating to his treatment of Cleopatra, saying that he had made a gift to her of the libraries at Pergamum, in which there were two hundred thousand volumes; during a banquet at which there were many guests, he had gotten up and massaged her feet like a slave, in order to fulfill some wager or agreement; he had permitted the Ephesians to recognize Cleopatra as their queen while he was present; frequently, when he was dispensing justice to tetrarchs and kings from the speaker’s platform, he would receive love letters from her inscribed on onyx or crystal and he would read them; when Furinus, who was the most skilled and most famous orator of all the Romans, was speaking in court and Cleopatra came through the square in her litter, Antony, when he saw her, jumped up, left the trial, and followed her, clinging to her litter.

It seems, however, that Calvisius lied about most of these events. Antony’s friends went around in Rome entreating the people and they sent one of them, named Geminus, to ask Antony not to allow himself to be voted out of power and declared an enemy of the state. Geminus sailed to Greece, where Cleopatra suspected that he was acting on behalf of Octavia and consistently mocked him at dinner and disrespected him by always seating him in the position of lowest status, but he held up well and waited for a chance to speak with Antony. But when ordered to state the reason for his visit, they were at dinner, and so he said that he would tell the rest when he was sober, but that, drunk or sober, he knew one thing, that all would be well if Cleopatra returned to Egypt. Antony was upset at this, but Cleopatra just said, “You have done well, Geminus, as you told the truth without our having to resort to torture. After a few days, Geminus fled and returned to Rome, Cleopatra’s flatterers also drove off many of Antony’s other friends, who could not stand the drunken antics and clowning around. Among those who left were Marcus Silanus and Dellius the historian. Dellius even said that he feared that Cleopatra was plotting against him, of which Glaucus the physician informed him. Glaucus had quarreled with Cleopatra at dinner, when he said that sour wine was poured for Antony’s friends, while in Rome Sarmentus was drinking Falernian; Sarmentus was one of Octavian’s boy toys, which the Romans call deliciae.

Source: Prudence J. Jones, ed., Cleopatra: A Sourcebook (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006), pp. 140–143.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER