8.4 Adolescence

Physical and Cognitive Development in Adolescence

Adolescence is a time of dramatic physical growth, comparable to that which occurs during fetal development. The “growth spurt” includes rapid changes in height, weight, and bone growth, and usually begins between ages 9 and 10 years for girls and ages 12 and 16 years for boys. Sex hormones, which influence this growth and development, are at high levels.

Puberty is the period during which the body changes and becomes sexually mature and able to reproduce. During puberty, the primary sex characteristics or reproductive organs (ovaries, uterus, vagina, penis, scrotum, and testes) mature. In addition, the secondary sex characteristics, which are not associated with reproduction, become more distinct and include the development of pubic, underarm, and body hair. Breast changes also occur in boys and girls (with the areola increasing in size), and fat increases in girls’ breasts. Adolescents experience changes to their skin and overall body hair. Girls’ pelvises begin to broaden, while boys experience a deepening of their voices and broadening of their shoulders.

Growing Up Fast Members of the St. Thomas Boys Choir in Leipzig, Germany, practice a chant in rehearsal. Choir directors are struggling with the fact that young boys’ voices are deepening earlier as the years go by. In the mid-1700s, voice changes reportedly occurred in singers aged 17 or 18; today, the average age is closer to 10 (Mendle & Ferrero, 2012). No one is certain why boys are hitting puberty sooner, but some researchers point to a correlation with increasing body mass index (Sørensen, Aksglaede, Petersen, & Juul, 2010).

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It is during this time that girls will experience menarche (ˈme-ˌnär-kē), the point at which menstruation begins. Menarche can occur as early as age 9 or after age 14; but typical onset is around 12 or 13. Boys experience spermarche (ˈspər-ˌmär-kē), their first ejaculation, during this time period as well. But, when it occurs is more difficult to specify, as boys may be reluctant to talk about the event (Mendle, Harden, Brooks-Gunn, & Graber, 2010).

Not everyone matures at the same time, however. Some evidence suggests that early maturing adolescents face a greater risk of engaging in unsafe behaviors, such as drug and alcohol use (Shelton & van den Bree, 2010). Compared to their peers, girls who mature early seem to experience more negative outcomes than those who mature later, such as increased social anxiety; they also appear to face a higher risk of emotional problems and delinquent behaviors (Blumenthal et al., 2011; Harden & Mendle, 2012). Early maturing girls are more likely to smoke, drink alcohol, have lower self-confidence, and later take on jobs that are “less prestigious.” There are certain factors that can reduce such risks, though, including parents who show warmth and support (Shelton & van den Bree, 2010).

Boys who mature early generally have a more positive experience and do not show evidence of increased anxiety (Blumenthal et al., 2011). But, when researchers examine the “tempo,” or speed, with which boys reach full sexual maturity, they find that rapid development can be associated with a range of problems, including aggressive behavior, cheating, and temper tantrums (Marceau, Ram, Houts, Grimm, & Susman, 2011).

Adolescence is a time when sexual interest peaks, yet teenagers don’t always make the best choices when it comes to sexual activity. A study by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 2008a) found that over 25% of girls (approximately 1 of every 4) between ages 14 and 19 are infected with “at least one of the most common sexually transmitted diseases”. Over half of new sexually transmitted infections affect young people ages 15–24; keep in mind that this group represents only 25% of the sexually active population (CDC, 2013). Sexually transmitted infections are especially risky for adolescents because they often go untreated and can lead to a host of problems, including long-term sterility.

Alongside the remarkable physical changes of adolescence are equally remarkable cognitive developments. As noted earlier, children in this age range are better able to distinguish between abstract and hypothetical situations. This ability is an indication the teenager has entered Piaget’s formal operational stage, which begins in adolescence and continues into adulthood. During this period, the adolescent begins to use deductive reasoning to draw conclusions and critical thinking to approach arguments. She can reason abstractly, classify ideas, and use symbols. The adolescent can think beyond what is going on in the moment, pondering the future and considering many possibilities or hypothetical situations. She may also begin to contemplate what will happen beyond high school, including career choices and education.

A specific type of egocentrism emerges in adolescence. Before this age, children can only imagine the world from their own perspective, but during adolescence they begin to become aware of others’ perspectives. Egocentrism is still apparent, however, as they believe others share their preoccupations. For example, a teenager who focuses on his appearance will think that others are focusing on his appearance as well (Elkind, 1967). Adolescents also tend to believe that everyone thinks the same way they do.

Michelle was the first in her class to pupate.

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Adolescent egocentrism also helps explain the sense of uniqueness many teenagers feel. This intense focus on the self may lead to a feeling of immortality, which can result in risk-taking behaviors (Elkind, 1967). Because they have not had many life experiences, adolescents may fail to consider the long-term consequences of their behaviors. Nor is the logic used by adolescents the same as that used by adults. In particular, adolescents may not think about what might happen if they participate in risky behaviors (such as unprotected sex or drug use). Their focus on the present (for example, having fun in the moment) outweighs their ability to assess the potential harm in the future (pregnancy or addiction). So to help adolescents stop engaging in risky behaviors such as smoking, we might focus on short-term consequences, like bad breath when kissing a partner, rather than long-term dangers such as lung cancer (Robbins & Bryan, 2004).

Too Young Teen inmates stand in line at a Texas prison facility. As of 2005, defendants being tried for crimes committed before age 18 are no longer candidates for the death penalty. The U.S. Supreme Court arrived at this decision after carefully weighing evidence submitted by the American Psychological Association (APA) and others, which suggests that the juvenile mind is still developing and vulnerable to impulsivity and poor decision making (APA, 2013c).

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Risk taking in adolescence is thought to result from characteristics of the adolescent brain. The limbic system, which is responsible for processing emotions and perceiving rewards and punishments, undergoes significant development during adolescence. Another important change is the increased myelination of axons in the prefrontal cortex, which improves the connections within the brain involved in planning, weighing consequences, and multitasking (Steinberg, 2012). But the relatively quicker development of the limbic system in comparison to the prefrontal cortex can lead to risk-taking behavior. Because the prefrontal cortex has not yet fully developed, the adolescent may not foresee the possible consequences of reward-seeking activities that are supported by the reward center of the limbic system. Changes to the structure of the brain continue through adolescence, resulting in a fully adult brain between the ages of 22 and 25, and a decline in risk-taking behaviors (Giedd et al., 2009; Steinberg, 2010, 2012).

Given this state of affairs, should adolescents be tried as adults in our legal system? In 2005 the U.S. Supreme Court ended the juvenile death penalty with its Roper v. Simmons decision (Borra, 2005). But the studies on brain structure provide results for groups, which may not apply to every individual. We cannot use such findings to draw definitive conclusions about individual teenagers (Bonnie & Scott, 2013).

Socioemotional Development in Adolescence

Adolescence is also a time of great socioemotional development. During this time, children become more independent from their parents. Conflicts may result as the adolescent searches for his identity, or sense of who he is based on his values, beliefs, and goals. Until this point in development, the child’s identity was based primarily on the parents’ or caregivers’ values and beliefs. Adolescents explore who they are by trying out different ideas in a variety of categories, including politics and religion. Once these areas have been explored, they begin to commit to a particular set of beliefs and attitudes, making decisions to engage in activities related to their evolving identity. One word of caution is in order: Their commitment may shift back and forth, sometimes on a day-to-day basis (Klimstra et al., 2010).

Erikson’s theory of development addresses this important issue of identity formation (Erikson & Erikson, 1997). The time from puberty to the twenties is the stage of ego identity versus role confusion, which is marked by the creation of an adult identity. The adolescent strives to define himself. If the tasks and crises of Erikson’s first four psychosocial stages have not been successfully resolved, the adolescent may enter this stage with distrust toward others, and feelings of shame, guilt, and inadequacy. In order to be accepted, he may try to be all things to all people.

It is during this period that one wrestles with some important life questions: What career do I want to pursue? What kind of relationship should I have with my parents? What religion (if any) is compatible with my views, beliefs, and goals? This stage often involves “trying out” different roles. A person who resolves this stage successfully emerges with a stronger sense of her values, beliefs, and goals. One who fails to resolve role confusion will not have a solid sense of identity and may experience withdrawal, isolation, or continued role confusion. However, just because we reach adulthood doesn’t mean our identity stops evolving. As we will soon see, there is still plenty of growth throughout life.

What role does a parent play during this difficult period? Generally speaking, parent–adolescent relationships are positive (Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, 1991), but conflict does increase during early adolescence (Van Doorn, Branje, & Meeus, 2011), and it frequently relates to issues of control and parental authority. Often these parent–teen struggles revolve around everyday issues such as curfew, chores, schoolwork, and personal hygiene. Fortunately, conflict tends to decline as both parties become more comfortable with the adolescents’ growing sense of autonomy and self-reliance (Lichtwarck-Aschoff, Kunnen, & van Geert, 2009; Montemayor, 1983).

It’s My Life! Relationships between teens and parents are generally positive, but most involve some degree of conflict. Many disputes center on everyday issues, like clothing and chores, but the seemingly endless bickering does have a deeper meaning. The adolescent is breaking away from his parents, establishing himself as an autonomous person.

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Friends become increasingly influential during adolescence. Some parents seem to be concerned about the negative influence of peers; however, it is typical for adolescents to form relationships with others of the same age and with whom they might share beliefs and interests, among other things—this only tends to support what parents encouraged during childhood (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). Adolescents tend to behave more impulsively in front of their peers than do adults. It appears that social pressure may inhibit their ability to “put the brakes on” impulsivity in decision making (Albert, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013). But peers can also have a positive influence, supporting prosocial behaviors (for example, getting good grades or helping others; Roseth, Johnson & Johnson, 2008; Wentzel, McNamara Barry, & Caldwell, 2004).

With the use of smart phones and tablets, these negative and positive influences are often transmitted through digital space. Peer pressure can be exerted through posts on Facebook walls and texts and tweets sent out through mobile devices. To what extent do teens connect through these digital platforms, and what is the nature of their online activity?

Kohlberg at Work American psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg proposed that moral reasoning progresses through three major levels: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional. The rate at which we move through these developmental levels partly depends on environmental factors, such as interactions with parents and siblings. Critics contend that Kohlberg’s research focused too heavily on men in Western cultures (Endicott, Bock, & Narvaez, 2003; Gilligan, 1982).

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Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development

Moral development is another important aspect of socioemotional growth. Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987), influenced by the work of Piaget, proposed three levels of moral development that occur in sequence over the life span. These levels, which are further divided into two stages, focus on specific changes in beliefs about right and wrong (Figure 8.5.).

FIGURE 8.5Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development

Kohlberg used a variety of fictional stories about moral dilemmas to determine the stage of moral reasoning of participants in his studies. The Heinz dilemma is a story about a man named Heinz who was trying to save his critically ill wife. Heinz did not have enough money to buy a drug that could save her, so after trying unsuccessfully to borrow money, he finally decided to steal the drug. The two questions asked of individuals in Kohlberg’s studies were these: “Should the husband have done that? Was it right or wrong?” (Kohlberg, 1981, p. 12). Kohlberg was not really interested in whether his participants thought Heinz should steal the drug or not; instead, the goal was to determine the moral reasoning behind their answers.

Although Kohlberg described moral development as sequential and universal in its progression, he noted that environmental influences and interactions with others (particularly those at a higher level of moral reasoning) support its continued development. Additionally, not everyone progresses through all three levels; an individual may get stuck at an early stage and remain at that level of morality throughout life. Let’s look at these three levels.

From the time a toddler or preschooler begins to understand the connection between behavior and its consequences, she can begin to think about moral issues, and make decisions about what is right and wrong. Preconventional moral reasoningusually applies to young children, and it focuses on the consequences of behaviors, both good and bad. For children in Stage 1 (punishment and obedience orientation), “goodness” and “badness” are determined by whether a behavior is punished. Behavior is motivated by showing respect and obedience to avoid being punished. For example, a child decides not to cheat on a test because she is worried about getting caught and then punished. Thus, consequences drive the belief about what is right and wrong. Regarding the Heinz dilemma, a child at this level may say the husband should not steal the drug because he may go to jail if caught. Children in Stage 2 (instrumental–relativist orientation) behave in accordance with a “marketplace” mentality, looking out for their own needs most of the time. The world is seen as an exchange of goods and services, so giving to others does not occur out of loyalty or fairness, but for the hope of reciprocity (“You scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours”; Kohlberg & Hersch, 1977).

At puberty, conventional moral reasoning is used, and determining right and wrong is informed by expectations from society and important others, not simply personal consequences. The emphasis is on conforming to society’s rules and regulations. In Stage 3 (interpersonal concordance orientation), actions that are helpful or please others are considered “good.” Gaining the approval of others (being a “good boy” or “nice girl”) is an important motivator. Faced with the Heinz dilemma, the adolescent might suggest that because society says a husband must take care of his wife, Heinz should steal the drugs so that others won’t think poorly of him. In Stage 4 (law and order orientation), the focus is on rules and social order. Duty and obedience to authorities define what is right. Heinz should not steal because stealing is against the law. Cheating on exams is not right because one is obligated to uphold a student code of conduct (Kohlberg & Hersch, 1977).

The third level of Kohlberg’s theory is postconventional moral reasoning. Right and wrong are determined by the individual’s beliefs about morality, which may be inconsistent with society’s rules and regulations. Stage 5 (social contract, legalistic orientation) reasoning suggests that laws should be followed when they are upheld by society as a whole; but, if a law does not exhibit “social utility,” it should be changed to meet the needs of society. In other words, a law and order approach isn’t always morally right. Someone using this type of reasoning might suggest that Heinz should steal the drug because the laws of society fail to consider his unique situation. In Stage 6 (universal ethical principle orientation), moral behavior is determined by universal principles of justice, equality, and respect for human life. An understanding of the “right” thing to do is guided not only by what is universally regarded as right, but also by one’s conscience and personal ethical perspective. With regard to the Heinz dilemma, someone using postconventional moral reasoning would thoughtfully consider all possible options, but ultimately decide human life overrides societal laws.

Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development has not been without criticism. Carol Gilligan (1982) leveled a number of serious critiques, suggesting that the theory did not represent women’s moral reasoning. She noted that Kohlberg’s initial studies included only male participants, introducing bias into his research findings. Gilligan suggested that Kohlberg had discounted the importance of caring and responsibility and that his choice of an all-male sample was partially to blame. Another issue with Kohlberg’s theory is that it focuses on the moral reasoning of individuals, and thus is primarily applicable to Western cultures; in more collectivist cultures, the focus is on the group (Endicott et al., 2003). One last concern about Kohlberg’s theory is that we can define and measure moral reasoning, but predicting moral behavior is not always easy. Research that examines moral reasoning and moral behavior indicates that the ability to predict moral behavior is weak at best (Blasi, 1980; Krebs & Denton, 2005).

Emerging Adulthood

When does a child become an adult? There isn’t one particular age that distinctly marks the boundary between a nonadult and an adult. In the United States, the legal age of adulthood is 18 for some activities (voting, military enlistment) and 21 for others (drinking, financial responsibilities). These ages are not consistent across cultures and countries (the legal drinking age in some nations is as young as 16). Many cultures and religions mark the transition into adulthood by ceremonies and rituals (for example, Jewish bar/bat mitzvahs, Australian walkabouts, Christian confirmations, Latin American quinceañeras), starting as early as age 12.

Complicating the demarcation between adolescence and adulthood is the fact that young people in today’s Western societies now remain dependent on their families for longer periods of time. In the past, young people in the United States left their families’ homes much earlier as indicated by marriage data. In 1970, for example, women were marrying for the first time at approximately 21 years of age, and men at 23. In 2010 the age at first marriage was 26 for women, and 28 for men (Arnett, 2000; Elliott, Krivickas, Brault, & Kreider, 2012; Figure 8.6). Psychologists now propose a phase known as emerging adulthood, which is the time of life between 18 and 25 years of age. It is neither adolescence nor early adulthood because it is a period of exploration and opportunity. The emerging adult has neither the permanent responsibilities of adulthood nor the dependency of adolescence. By this time, most adolescent egocentrism has disappeared, which is apparent in intimate relationships and empathy (Elkind, 1967). There are opportunities to seek out loving relationships, education, and new views of the world before settling into the relative permanency of family and career (Arnett, 2000).

FIGURE 8.6Age of First MarriageMany developmental psychologists consider marriage a marker of adulthood because it often represents the first time a person leaves the family home to set out on his or her own. Since the 1950s and 1960s, the median age at which men and women marry for the first time has increased, a trend that appears likely to continue.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2011).

The transition from adolescence to young adulthood can be rocky at times. It is by exploring and then committing to their own identities that adolescents often become their own people. Trying out relationships and careers during this period allows them to emerge into adulthood.