1. New Learning

1.
New Learning

Peter Abelard, The Story of My Misfortunes (c. 1132)

As cities grew in size throughout twelfth-century Europe, so too did the number of people flocking to their gates, notably students hungry for knowledge. Schools associated with monasteries and cathedrals had been in place for centuries but another model of learning gained prominence: the independent master with his own cohort of students. The career of Peter Abelard (1079–1142) embodied the intellectual vitality this second model had to offer. In his student days, he had wandered from school to school, increasingly dissatisfied with their scholarship. Although Abelard was trained in a traditional liberal arts curriculum, he was especially interested in logic as an analytical tool. Ultimately, he gained a name for himself as a master in his own right because of his innovative style of thinking and teaching. As he describes in the excerpt below from his autobiography, The Story of My Misfortunes, his methods attracted both friends and foes. The passage opens with a description of his success as a teacher and how it set the stage for a confrontation with church officials in 1121. By this point in his life, he had entered a monastery but remained deeply engaged in academic pursuits.

From The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, trans. Betty Radice, rev. ed. M. T. Clanchy (London: Penguin Group, 2003), 19–24, 254–55.

When it became apparent that God had granted me the gift for interpreting the Scriptures as well as secular literature, the numbers in my school began to increase for both subjects, while elsewhere they diminished rapidly. This roused the envy and hatred of the other heads of schools against me; they set out to disparage me in whatever way they could, and two of them1 especially were always attacking me behind my back for occupying myself with secular literature2 in a manner totally unsuitable to my monastic calling, and for presuming to set up as a teacher of sacred learning when I had had no teacher myself. Their aim was for every form of teaching in a school to be forbidden me, and for this end they were always trying to win over bishops, archbishops, abbots, in fact anyone of account in the Church whom they could approach.

Now it happened that I first applied myself to lecturing on the basis of our faith by analogy with human reason, and composed a theological treatise on divine unity and trinity3 for the use of my students who were asking for human and logical reasons on this subject, and demanded something intelligible rather than mere words. In fact they said that words were useless if the intelligence could not follow them, that nothing could be believed unless it was first understood, and that it was absurd for anyone to preach to others what neither he nor those he taught could grasp with the understanding: the Lord himself had criticized such “blind guides of blind men.”4 After the treatise had been seen and read by many people it began to please everyone, as it seemed to answer all questions alike on this subject. It was generally agreed that the questions were peculiarly difficult and the importance of the problem was matched by the subtlety of my solution.

My rivals were therefore much annoyed and convened a Council against me, prompted by my two old opponents, Alberic and Lotulf who, now that our former masters, William and Anselm, were dead, were trying to reign alone in their place and succeed them as their heirs. Both of them were heads of the school in Rheims, and there, by repeated insinuations, they were able to influence their archbishop, Ralph, to take action against me and, along with Conan, bishop of Palestrina, who held the office of papal legate in France at the time, to convene an assembly, which they called a Council, in the city of Soissons, where I was to be invited to come bringing my treatise on the Trinity. This was done, but before I could make my appearance, my two rivals spread such evil rumours about me amongst the clerks and people that I and the few pupils who had accompanied me narrowly escaped being stoned by the people on the first day we arrived, for having preached and written (so they had been told) that there were three Gods.

I called on the legate as soon as I entered the town, handed him a copy of the treatise for him to read and form an opinion, and declared myself ready to receive correction and make amends if I had written anything contrary to the Catholic faith. But he told me at once to take the book to the archbishop and my opponents, so that my accusers could judge me themselves and the words “Our enemies are judges”5 be fulfilled in me. However, though they read and reread the book again and again they could find nothing they dared charge me with at an open hearing, so they adjourned the condemnation they were panting for until the final meeting of the Council. For my part, every day before the Council sat, I spoke in public on the Catholic faith in accordance with what I had written, and all who heard me were full of praise both for my exposition and for my interpretation. When the people and clerks saw this they began to say “ ‘Here he is, speaking openly,’6 and no one utters a word against him. The Council which we were told was expressly convened against him is quickly coming to an end. Can the judges have found that the error is theirs, not his?” This went on every day and added fuel to my enemies’ fury.

And so one day Alberic sought me out with some of his followers, intent on attacking me. After a few polite words he remarked that something he had noticed in the book had puzzled him very much; namely, that although God begat God, and there is only one God, I denied that God had begotten Himself. I said at once that if they wished I would offer an explanation on this point. “We take no account of rational explanation,” he answered, “nor of your interpretation in such matters; we recognize only the words of authority.” “Turn the page,” I said, “and you will find the authority.” There was a copy of the book at hand, which he had brought with him, so I looked up the passage which I knew but which he had failed to see—or else he looked only for what would damage me. By God’s will I found what I wanted at once: a sentence headed “Augustine, On the Trinity, Book One.” “Whoever supposes that God has the power to beget Himself is in error, and the more so because it is not only God who lacks this power, but also any spiritual or corporeal creature. There is nothing whatsoever which can beget itself.”

When his followers standing by heard this they blushed in embarrassment, but he tried to cover up his mistake as best he could by saying that this should be understood in the right way. To that I replied that it was nothing new, but was irrelevant at the moment as he was looking only for words, not interpretation. But if he was willing to hear an interpretation and a reasoned argument I was ready to prove to him that by his own words he had fallen into the heresy of supposing the Father to be His own Son. On hearing this he lost his temper and turned to threats, crying that neither my explanations nor my authorities would help me in this case. He then went off.

On the last day of the Council, before the session was resumed, the legate and the archbishop began to discuss at length with my opponents and other persons what decision to take about me and my book, as this was the chief reason for their being convened. They could find nothing to bring against me either in my words or in the treatise which was before them, and everyone stood silent for a while or began to retract his accusation, until Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres, who was outstanding among the other bishops for his reputation for holiness and the importance of his see, spoke as follows:

All of you, Sirs, who are here today know that this man’s teaching, whatever it is, and his intellectual ability have won him many followers and supporters wherever he has studied. He has greatly lessened the reputation both of his own teachers and of ours, and his vine has spread its branches from sea to sea. If you injure him through prejudice, though I do not think you will, you must know that even if your judgement is deserved you will offend many people, and large numbers will rally to his defence; especially as in this treatise before us we can see nothing which deserves any public condemnation. . . .

At once my rivals broke in with an outcry: “Fine advice that is, to bid us compete with the ready tongue of a man whose arguments and sophistries could triumph over the whole world!” (But it was surely far harder to compete with Christ, and yet Nicodemus7 asked for him to be given a hearing, as sanctioned by the law.) However, when the bishop could not persuade them to agree to his proposal, he tried to curb their hostility by other means, saying that the few people present were insufficient for discussing a matter of such importance, and this case needed longer consideration. His further advice was that my abbot, who was present, should take me back to my monastery, the Abbey of St. Denis, and there a larger number of more learned men should be assembled to go into the case thoroughly and decide what was to be done. The legate agreed with this last suggestion, and so did everyone else. Soon after, the legate rose to celebrate Mass before he opened the Council. Through Bishop Geoffrey he sent me the permission agreed on: I was to return to my monastery and await a decision.

Then my rivals, thinking that they had achieved nothing if this matter were taken outside their diocese, where they would have no power to use force—it was plain that they had little confidence in the justice of their cause—convinced the archbishop that it would be an insult to his dignity if the case were transferred and heard elsewhere, and a serious danger if I were allowed to escape as a result. They hurried to the legate, made him reverse his decision and persuaded him against his better judgement to condemn the book without any inquiry, burn it immediately in the sight of all and condemn me to perpetual confinement in a different monastery. They said that the fact that I had dared to read the treatise in public and must have allowed many people to make copies without its being approved by the authority of the Pope the Church should be quite enough to condemn it, and that the Christian faith would greatly benefit if an example were made of me and similar presumption in many others were forestalled. As the legate was less of a scholar than he should have been, he relied largely on the advice of the archbishop, who in turn relied on theirs. When the bishop of Chartres saw what would happen he told me at once about their intrigues and strongly urged me not to take it too hard, as by now it was apparent to all that they were acting too harshly. He said I could be confident that such violence so clearly prompted by jealousy would discredit them and benefit me, and told me not to worry about being confined in a monastery as he knew that the papal legate was only acting under pressure, and would set me quite free within a few days of his leaving Soissons. So he gave me what comfort he could, both of us shedding tears.

I was then summoned and came at once before the Council. Without any questioning or discussion they compelled me to throw my book into the fire with my own hands, and so it was burnt.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

  1. How would you describe Abelard’s style of teaching? In his view, what should be the basis of all knowledge?

    Question

    M8fp6W9J8iVijSNyVoXNnuPcPzFlEZ46eP8PlUats0PAF1TX3aOAJP473vOcLUr5tc+R9o5ozyATVI2KQUYu7rXIc2gnaoRcRIVDC9DJc6rUp1peaAoCxCM8CJL0WTphNNbiYTrjuQbzZ4H7Lj1jb+6pQw1LIBRpTMo+QjMCYAYfopGysX91Nrg/WnAH/V07RgGjVLZKWtQ=
    How would you describe Abelard’s style of teaching? In his view, what should be the basis of all knowledge?
  2. Why did some of Abelard’s fellow scholars urge church officials to bring charges against him? What was the basis of their complaint? Why did they find him so threatening?

    Question

    eJdpQW1IH7NUkygB9q7xYCL+HZHOXB0dAXpF75o82Ioceb9gF6Lon9CwFHYdcRVaLQmOi0p385weTl2w1fx5MNQU+KFWUTb+C2eCIpRacP7JD1waLr6QwThO+zphBqSwlSdTTokPn4ooXHmBnmume+dr1RJVd5VBklpCcrKrbcPDzz1ZVjD0ZI7qpWdzHlV1pUupeWdBSLb1ECmezaiTTtEA8jYU5/vIHyFjN27/0u0Gye3xrlogc93WClzwEzfnO25cuXoc0EyNRvTEAkYkgCqNZuq6uKQK
    Why did some of Abelard’s fellow scholars urge church officials to bring charges against him? What was the basis of their complaint? Why did they find him so threatening?
  3. How did Abelard respond to the charges? What does his response reveal about the new ways of learning gaining ground in this period?

    Question

    YYl7cYDy9cZ0vxBWMmpplYuTrahcmotUwF48GYyvZ3dSb5BkhKnVm4sAJ0gOCRIiz+dyxKRpAvC6hmZUd+ZPNNTqGwuxt/redCTXkf5WarTlrFyYVQ9ZTD2EA8+ZZ6NVqEsg07/dPOQfIa/EWui4vNFkOU0jpKlhjmaZp+xvCK3LwuTN2OFiuYIxO1Ng67KHfas6ZXVxo6Lqdkdg4TN/Ggbz1+K1qQ5z5RCJZGEG/1Q=
    How did Abelard respond to the charges? What does his response reveal about the new ways of learning gaining ground in this period?