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Structuring Arguments
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These two sets of statements illustrate the most basic ways in which Western culture structures logical arguments. The first piles up specific examples and draws a conclusion from them: that’s inductive reasoning and structure. The second sets out a general principle (the major premise of a syllogism) and applies it to a specific case (the minor premise) in order to reach a conclusion: that’s deductive reasoning and structure. In everyday reasoning, we often omit the middle statement, resulting in what Aristotle called an enthymeme: “Since dairy products make me sick, I better leave that ice cream alone.” (See “Using Reason and Common Sense” in Chapter 4, “Arguments Based on Facts and Reason: Logos” for more on enthymemes.)
But the arguments you will write in college call for more than just the careful critical thinking offered within inductive and deductive reasoning. You will also need to define claims, explain the contexts in which you are offering them, consider counterarguments fairly and carefully, defend your assumptions, offer convincing evidence, appeal to particular audiences, and more. And you will have to do so using a clear structure that moves your argument forward. This chapter introduces you to three helpful ways to structure arguments. Feel free to borrow from all of them!
The Classical Oration
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The authors of this book once examined a series of engineering reports and found that — to their great surprise — these reports were generally structured in ways similar to those used by Greek and Roman rhetors two thousand years ago. Thus, this ancient structuring system is alive and well in twenty-first-century culture. The classical oration has six parts, most of which will be familiar to you, despite their Latin names:
Exordium: You try to win the attention and goodwill of an audience while introducing a topic or problem.
Narratio: You present the facts of the case, explaining what happened when, who is involved, and so on. The narratio puts an argument in context.
Partitio: You divide up the topic, explaining what the claim is, what the key issues are, and in what order they will be treated.
Confirmatio: You offer detailed support for the claim, using both logical reasoning and factual evidence.
Refutatio: You carefully consider and respond to opposing claims or evidence.
Peroratio: You summarize the case and move the audience to action.
danah boyd and Kate Crawford provide a narratio that establishes a context for their argument when they examine the motivations behind Big Data in Six Provocations for Big Data.
LINK TO danah boyd and Kate Crawford, Six Provocations for Big Data
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This structure is powerful because it covers all the bases: readers or listeners want to know what your topic is, how you intend to cover it, and what evidence you have to offer. And you probably need a reminder to present a pleasing ethos when beginning a presentation and to conclude with enough pathos to win an audience over completely. Here, in outline form, is a five-part updated version of the classical pattern, which you may find useful on many occasions:
Introduction
gains readers’ interest and willingness to listen
establishes your qualifications to write about your topic
establishes some common ground with your audience
demonstrates that you’re fair and even-handed
states your claim
Background
presents information, including personal stories or anecdotes that are important to your argument
Lines of Argument
presents good reasons, including logical and emotional appeals, in support of your claim
Alternative Arguments
carefully considers alternative points of view and opposing arguments
notes the advantages and disadvantages of these views
explains why your view is preferable to others
Conclusion
summarizes the argument
elaborates on the implications of your claim
makes clear what you want the audience to think or do
reinforces your credibility and perhaps offers an emotional appeal
Not every piece of rhetoric, past or present, follows the structure of the oration or includes all its components. But you can identify some of its elements in successful arguments if you pay attention to their design. Here are the words of the 1776 Declaration of Independence:
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When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
Opens with a brief exordium explaining why the document is necessary, invoking a broad audience in acknowledging a need to show “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind.” Important in this case, the lines that follow explain the assumptions on which the document rests.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness — that to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it and to institute new Government, laying its Foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government and to provide new Guards for their future security. — Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
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A narratio follows, offering background on the situation: because the government of George III has become destructive, the framers of the Declaration are obligated to abolish their allegiance to him.
Arguably, the partitio begins here, followed by the longest part of the document (not reprinted here), a confirmatio that lists the “long train of abuses and usurpations” by George III.
— Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776
The authors might have structured this argument by beginning with the last two sentences of the excerpt and then listing the facts intended to prove the king’s abuse and tyranny. But by choosing first to explain the purpose and “self-evident” assumptions behind their argument and only then moving on to demonstrate how these “truths” have been denied by the British, the authors forge an immediate connection with readers and build up to the memorable conclusion. The structure is both familiar and inventive — as your own use of key elements of the oration should be in the arguments you compose.
Rogerian and Invitational Arguments
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In trying to find an alternative to confrontational and angry arguments like those that so often erupt in legislative bodies around the world, scholars and teachers of rhetoric have adapted the nonconfrontational principles employed by psychologist Carl Rogers in personal therapy sessions. In simple terms, Rogers argued that people involved in disputes should not respond to each other until they could fully, fairly, and even sympathetically state the other person’s position. Scholars of rhetoric Richard E. Young, Alton L. Becker, and Kenneth L. Pike developed a four-part structure that is now known as Rogerian argument:
Introduction: You describe an issue, a problem, or a conflict in terms rich enough to show that you fully understand and respect any alternative position or positions.
Contexts: You describe the contexts in which alternative positions may be valid.
Writer’s position: You state your position on the issue and present the circumstances in which that opinion would be valid.
Benefits to opponent: You explain to opponents how they would benefit from adopting your position.
The key to Rogerian argumentation is a willingness to think about opposing positions and to describe them fairly. In a Rogerian structure, you have to acknowledge that alternatives to your claims exist and that they might be reasonable under certain circumstances. In tone, Rogerian arguments steer clear of heated and stereotypical language, emphasizing instead how all parties in a dispute might gain from working together.
In the same vein, feminist scholars Sonja Foss and Cindy Griffin have outlined a form of argument they label “invitational,” one that begins with careful attention to and respect for the person or the audience you are in conversation with. Foss and Griffin show that such listening — in effect, walking in the other person’s shoes — helps you see that person’s points of view more clearly and thoroughly and thus offers a basis for moving together toward new understandings. The kind of argument they describe is what another rhetorician, Krista Ratcliffe, calls “rhetorical listening,” which helps to establish productive connections between people and thus helps enable effective cross-cultural communications.
Invitational rhetoric has as its goal not winning over opponents but getting people and groups to work together and identify with each other; it strives for connection, collaboration, and the mutually informed creation of knowledge. As feminist scholar Sally Miller Gearhart puts it, invitational argument offers a way to disagree without hurting one another, to disagree with respect. This kind of argument is especially important in a society that increasingly depends on successful collaboration to get things done. In college, you may have opportunities to practice invitational rhetoric in peer-review sessions, when each member of a group listens carefully in order to work through problems and issues. You may also practice invitational rhetoric looking at any contested issue from other people’s points of view, taking them into account, and engaging them fairly and respectfully in your own argument. Students we know who are working in high-tech industries also tell us how much such arguments are valued, since they fuel innovation and “out of the box” thinking.
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Invitational arguments, then, call up structures that more resemble good two-way conversations or free-ranging dialogues than straight-line marches from thesis to conclusion. Even conventional arguments benefit from invitational strategies by giving space early on to a full range of perspectives, making sure to present them thoroughly and clearly. Remember that in such arguments your goal is enhanced understanding so that you can open up a space for new perceptions and fresh ideas.
Consider how Frederick Douglass tried to broaden the outlook of his audiences when he delivered a Fourth of July oration in 1852. Most nineteenth-century Fourth of July speeches followed a pattern of praising the Revolutionary War heroes and emphasizing freedom, democracy, and justice. Douglass, a former slave, had that tradition in mind as he delivered his address, acknowledging the “great principles” that the “glorious anniversary” celebrates. But he also asked his (white) listeners to see the occasion from another point of view:
Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and natural justice, embodied in the Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us? . . . I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common.
The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn.
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— Frederick Douglass, “What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?”
Although his speech is in some ways confrontational, Douglass is also inviting his audience to see a version of reality that they could have discovered on their own had they dared to imagine the lives of African Americans living in the shadows of American liberty. Issuing that invitation, and highlighting its consequences, points a way forward in the conflict between slavery and freedom, black and white, oppression and justice, although response to Douglass’s invitation was a long time in coming.
In May 2014, First Lady Michelle Obama used elements of invitational argument in delivering a speech to high school graduates from several high schools in Topeka, Kansas. Since the speech occurred on the sixtieth anniversary of the Supreme Court’s decision to disallow “separate but equal” schools in the landmark Brown v. Board of Education case, which was initiated in Topeka, Mrs. Obama invited the audience to experience the ups and downs of students before and after the decision, putting themselves in the places of the young African Americans who, in 1954, desperately wanted the freedom to attend well-funded schools open to white students. So she tells the stories of some of these young people, inviting those there to walk a while in their shoes. And she concludes her speech with a call for understanding and cooperation:
Every day, you have the same power to choose our better history — by opening your hearts and minds, by speaking up for what you know is right, by sharing the lessons of Brown v. Board of Education, the lessons you learned right here in Topeka, wherever you go for the rest of our lives. I know you all can do it. I am so proud of all of you, and I cannot wait to see everything you achieve in the years ahead.
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In this speech, Mrs. Obama did not castigate audience members for failing to live up to the ideals of Brown v. Board of Education (though she could have done so), nor does she dwell on current ills in Topeka. Rather, she invokes “our better history” and focuses on the ways those in Topeka have helped to write that history. She identifies with her audience and asks them to identify with her — and she aims to inspire the young graduates to follow her example.
The use of invitational argument and careful listening in contemporary political life are rare, but in spite of much evidence to the contrary (think of the repeatedly demonstrated effectiveness of political attack ads), the public claims to prefer nonpartisan and invitational rhetoric to one-on-one, winner-take-all battles, suggesting that such an approach strikes a chord in many people, especially in a world that is increasingly open to issues of diversity. The lesson to take from Rogerian or invitational argument is that it makes good sense in structuring your own arguments to learn opposing positions well enough to state them accurately and honestly, to strive to understand the points of view of your opponents, to acknowledge those views fairly in your own work, and to look for solutions that benefit as many people as possible.
Choose a controversial topic that is frequently in the news, and decide how you might structure an argument on the subject, using the general principles of the classical oration. Then look at the same subject from a Rogerian or invitational perspective. How might your argument differ? Which approach would work better for your topic? For the audiences you might want to address?
Toulmin Argument
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In The Uses of Argument (1958), British philosopher Stephen Toulmin presented structures to describe the way that ordinary people make reasonable arguments. Because Toulmin’s system acknowledges the complications of life — situations when we qualify our thoughts with words such as sometimes, often, presumably, unless, and almost — his method isn’t as airtight as formal logic that uses syllogisms (see introduction to Chapter 7, “Structuring Arguments” in this chapter and “Using Reason and Common Sense” in Chapter 4, “Arguments Based on Facts and Reason: Logos.” in Chapter 4). But for that reason, Toulmin logic has become a powerful and, for the most part, practical tool for understanding and shaping arguments in the real world.
Toulmin argument will help you come up with and test ideas and also figure out what goes where in many kinds of arguments. Let’s take a look at the basic elements of Toulmin’s structure:
Claim | the argument you wish to prove |
Qualifiers | any limits you place on your claim |
Reason(s)/Evidence | support for your claim |
Warrants | underlying assumptions that support your claim |
Backing | evidence for warrant |
If you wanted to state the relationship between them in a sentence, you might say:
My claim is true, to a qualified degree, because of the following reasons, which make sense if you consider the warrant, backed by these additional reasons.
These terms — claim, evidence, warrants, backing, and qualifiers — are the building blocks of the Toulmin argument structure. Let’s take them one at a time.
Making Claims
Toulmin arguments begin with claims, debatable and controversial statements or assertions you hope to prove.
A claim answers the question So what’s your point? or Where do you stand on that? Some writers might like to ignore these questions and avoid stating a position. But when you make a claim worth writing about, then it’s worth standing up and owning it.
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Is there a danger that you might oversimplify an issue by making too bold a claim? Of course. But making that sweeping claim is a logical first step toward eventually saying something more reasonable and subtle. Here are some fairly simple, undeveloped claims:
Congress should enact legislation that establishes a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants.
It’s time for the World Health Organization (WHO) to exert leadership in coordinating efforts to stem the Ebola epidemic in West Africa.
NASA should launch a human expedition to Mars.
Veganism is the most responsible choice of diet.
Military insurance should not cover the cost of sex change surgery for service men and women.
Good claims often spring from personal experiences. You may have relevant work or military or athletic experience — or you may know a lot about music, film, sustainable agriculture, social networking, inequities in government services — all fertile ground for authoritative, debatable, and personally relevant claims.
Claims aren’t always easy to find. Sometimes they’re buried deep within an argument, and sometimes they’re not present at all. An important skill in reading and writing arguments is the ability to identify claims, even when they aren’t obvious.
Collect a sample of six to eight letters to the editor of a daily newspaper (or a similar number of argumentative postings from a political blog). Read each item, and then identify every claim that the writer makes. When you’ve compiled your list of claims, look carefully at the words that the writer or writers use when stating their positions. Is there a common vocabulary? Can you find words or phrases that signal an impending claim? Which of these seem most effective? Which ones seem least effective? Why?
Offering Evidence and Good Reasons
You can begin developing a claim by drawing up a list of reasons to support it or finding evidence that backs up the point.
Academic arguments such as “Playing with Prejudice: The Prevalence and Consequences of Racial Stereotypes in Video Games” by Melinda C. R. Burgess et al. often closely follow the Toulmin structure, making sure that their claims are well supported.
LINK TO Burgess et. al , “Playing with Prejudice: The Prevalence and Consequences of Racial Stereotypes in Video Games”
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One student writer wanted to gather good reasons in support of an assertion that his college campus needed more official spaces for parking bicycles. He did some research, gathering statistics about parking-space allocation, numbers of people using particular designated slots, and numbers of bicycles registered on campus. Before he went any further, however, he listed his primary reasons for wanting to increase bicycle parking:
Personal experience: At least twice a week for two terms, he was unable to find a designated parking space for his bike.
Anecdotes: Several of his friends told similar stories. One even sold her bike as a result.
Facts: He found out that the ratio of car to bike parking spaces was 100 to 1, whereas the ratio of cars to bikes registered on campus was 25 to 1.
Authorities: The campus police chief told the college newspaper that she believed a problem existed for students who tried to park bicycles legally.
On the basis of his preliminary listing of possible reasons in support of the claim, this student decided that his subject was worth more research. He was on the way to amassing a set of good reasons and evidence that were sufficient to support his claim.
In shaping your own arguments, try putting claims and reasons together early in the writing process to create enthymemes. Think of these enthymemes as test cases or even as topic sentences:
Bicycle parking spaces should be expanded because the number of bikes on campus far exceeds the available spots.
It’s time to lower the driving age because I’ve been driving since I was fourteen and it hasn’t hurt me.
National legalization of marijuana is long overdue since it is already legal in over twenty states, has shown to be less harmful than alcohol, and provides effective relief from pain associated with cancer.
Violent video games should be carefully evaluated and their use monitored by the industry, the government, and parents because these games cause addiction and psychological harm to players.
As you can see, attaching a reason to a claim often spells out the major terms of an argument.
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But your work is just beginning when you’ve put a claim together with its supporting reasons and evidence — because readers are certain to begin questioning your statement. They might ask whether the reasons and evidence that you’re offering really do support the claim: should the driving age really be changed just because you’ve managed to drive since you were fourteen? They might ask pointed questions about your evidence: exactly how do you know that the number of bikes on campus far exceeds the number of spaces available? Eventually, you’ve got to address potential questions about the quality of your assumptions and the quality of your evidence. The connection between claim and reason(s) is a concern at the next level in Toulmin argument.
Determining Warrants
Crucial to Toulmin argument is appreciating that there must be a logical and persuasive connection between a claim and the reasons and data supporting it. Toulmin calls this connection the warrant. It answers the question How exactly do I get from the data to the claim? Like the warrant in legal situations (a search warrant, for example), a sound warrant in an argument gives you authority to proceed with your case.
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The warrant tells readers what your (often unstated) assumptions are — for example, that any practice that causes serious disease should be banned by the government. If readers accept your warrant, you can then present specific evidence to develop your claim. But if readers dispute your warrant, you’ll have to defend it before you can move on to the claim itself.
In “Little Girls or Little Women? The Disney Princess Effect,” Stephanie Hanes interviews blogger and mom Mary Finucane, who believes that girls’ princess obsession is harmful to their development as strong women. What warrants lie behind this claim?
LINK TO Stephanie Hanes, “Little Girls or Little Women? The Disney Princess Effect”
Stating warrants can be tricky because they can be phrased in various ways. What you’re looking for is the general principle that enables you to justify the move from a reason to a specific claim — the bridge connecting them. The warrant is the assumption that makes the claim seem believable. It’s often a value or principle that you share with your readers. Here’s an easy example:
Don’t eat that mushroom: it’s poisonous.
The warrant supporting this enthymeme can be stated in several ways, always moving from the reason (it’s poisonous) to the claim (Don’t eat that mushroom):
Anything that is poisonous shouldn’t be eaten.
If something is poisonous, it’s dangerous to eat.
Here’s the relationship, diagrammed:
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Perfectly obvious, you say? Exactly — and that’s why the statement is so convincing. If the mushroom in question is a death cap or destroying angel (and you might still need expert testimony to prove that it is), the warrant does the rest of the work, making the claim that it supports seem logical and persuasive.
Let’s look at a similar example, beginning with the argument in its basic form:
We’d better stop for gas because the gauge has been reading empty for more than thirty miles.
In this case, you have evidence that is so clear (a gas gauge reading empty) that the reason for getting gas doesn’t even have to be stated: the tank is almost empty. The warrant connecting the evidence to the claim is also pretty obvious:
If the fuel gauge of a car has been reading empty for more than thirty miles, then that car is about to run out of gas.
Since most readers would accept this warrant as reasonable, they would also likely accept the statement the warrant supports.
Naturally, factual information might undermine the whole argument: the fuel gauge might be broken, or the driver might know that the car will go another fifty miles even though the fuel gauge reads empty. But in most cases, readers would accept the warrant.
Now let’s consider how stating and then examining a warrant can help you determine the grounds on which you want to make a case. Here’s a political enthymeme of a familiar sort:
Flat taxes are fairer than progressive taxes because they treat all taxpayers in the same way.
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Warrants that follow from this enthymeme have power because they appeal to a core American value — equal treatment under the law:
Treating people equitably is the American way.
All people should be treated in the same way.
You certainly could make an argument on these grounds. But stating the warrant should also raise a flag if you know anything about tax policy. If the principle is obvious and universal, then why do federal and many progressive state income taxes require people at higher levels of income to pay at higher tax rates than people at lower income levels? Could the warrant not be as universally popular as it seems at first glance? To explore the argument further, try stating the contrary claim and warrants:
Progressive taxes are fairer than flat taxes because people with more income can afford to pay more, benefit more from government, and shelter more of their income from taxes.
People should be taxed according to their ability to pay.
People who benefit more from government and can shelter more of their income from taxes should be taxed at higher rates.
Now you see how different the assumptions behind opposing positions really are. If you decided to argue in favor of flat taxes, you’d be smart to recognize that some members of your audience might have fundamental reservations about your position. Or you might even decide to shift your entire argument to an alternative rationale for flat taxes:
Flat taxes are preferable to progressive taxes because they simplify the tax code and reduce the likelihood of fraud.
Here, you have two stated reasons that are supported by two new warrants:
Taxes that simplify the tax code are desirable.
Taxes that reduce the likelihood of fraud are preferable.
Whenever possible, you’ll choose your warrant knowing your audience, the context of your argument, and your own feelings.
Be careful, though, not to suggest that you’ll appeal to any old warrant that works to your advantage. If readers suspect that your argument for progressive taxes really amounts to I want to stick it to people who work harder than I, your credibility may suffer a fatal blow.
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At their simplest, warrants can be stated as “X is good” or “X is bad.” Return to the letters to the editor or blog postings that you analyzed in the exercise on “Making Claims” in Chapter 7, “Structuring Arguments,”, this time looking for the warrant that is behind each claim. As a way to start, ask yourself these questions:
If I find myself agreeing with the letter writer, what assumptions about the subject matter do I share with him/her?
If I disagree, what assumptions are at the heart of that disagreement?
The list of warrants you generate will likely come from these assumptions.
Offering Evidence: Backing
The richest, most interesting part of a writer’s work — backing — remains to be done after the argument has been outlined. Clearly stated claims and warrants show you how much evidence you will need. Take a look at this brief argument, which is both debatable and controversial, especially in tough economic times:
NASA should launch a human expedition to Mars because Americans need a unifying national goal.
Here’s one version of the warrant that supports the enthymeme:
What unifies the nation ought to be a national priority.
To run with this claim and warrant, you’d first need to place both in context. Human space exploration has been debated with varying intensity following the 1957 launch of the Soviet Union’s Sputnik satellite, after the losses of the U.S. space shuttles Challenger (1986) and Columbia (2003), and after the retirement of the Space Shuttle program in 2011. Acquiring such background knowledge through reading, conversation, and inquiry of all kinds will be necessary for making your case. (See Chapter 3 for more on gaining authority.)
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There’s no point in defending any claim until you’ve satisfied readers that questionable warrants on which the claim is based are defensible. In Toulmin argument, evidence you offer to support a warrant is called backing.
Warrant
What unifies the nation ought to be a national priority.
Backing
Americans want to be part of something bigger than themselves. (Emotional appeal as evidence)
In a country as diverse as the United States, common purposes and values help make the nation stronger. (Ethical appeal as evidence)
In the past, government investments such as the Hoover Dam and the Apollo moon program enabled many — though not all — Americans to work toward common goals. (Logical appeal as evidence)
In addition to evidence to support your warrant (backing), you’ll need evidence to support your claim:
Argument in Brief (Enthymeme/Claim)
NASA should launch a human expedition to Mars because Americans now need a unifying national goal.
Evidence
The American people are politically divided along lines of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, and class. (Fact as evidence)
A common challenge or problem often unites people to accomplish great things. (Emotional appeal as evidence)
A successful Mars mission would require the cooperation of the entire nation — and generate tens of thousands of jobs. (Logical appeal as evidence)
A human expedition to Mars would be a valuable scientific project for the nation to pursue. (Appeal to values as evidence)
As these examples show, appeals to values and emotions can be just as appropriate as appeals to logic and facts, and all such claims will be stronger if a writer presents a convincing ethos. In most arguments, appeals work together rather than separately, reinforcing each other. (See Chapter 3 for more on ethos.)
Using Qualifiers
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Experienced writers know that qualifying expressions make writing more precise and honest. Toulmin logic encourages you to acknowledge limitations to your argument through the effective use of qualifiers. You can save time if you qualify a claim early in the writing process. But you might not figure out how to limit a claim effectively until after you’ve explored your subject or discussed it with others.
Qualifiers | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
few | more or less | often | ||
it is possible | in some cases | perhaps | ||
rarely | many | under these conditions | ||
it seems | typically | possibly | ||
some | routinely | for the most part | ||
it may be | most | if it were so | ||
sometimes | one might argue | in general |
Never assume that readers understand the limits you have in mind. Rather, spell them out as precisely as possible, as in the following examples:
Unqualified Claim | People who don’t go to college earn less than those who do. |
Qualified Claim | In most cases, people who don’t go to college earn less than those who do. |
Understanding Conditions of Rebuttal
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In the Toulmin system, potential objections to an argument are called conditions of rebuttal. Understanding and reacting to these conditions are essential to support your own claims where they’re weak and also to recognize and understand the reasonable objections of people who see the world differently. For example, you may be a big fan of the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) and prefer that federal tax dollars be spent on these programs. So you offer the following claim:
Claim | The federal government should support the arts. |
You need reasons to support this thesis, so you decide to present the issue as a matter of values:
Argument in Brief | The federal government should support the arts because it also supports the military. |
Now you’ve got an enthymeme and can test the warrant, or the premises of your claim:
Warrant | If the federal government can support the military, then it can also support other programs. |
But the warrant seems frail: you can hear a voice over your shoulder saying, “In essence, you’re saying that Because we pay for a military, we should pay for everything!” So you decide to revise your claim:
Revised Argument | If the federal government can spend huge amounts of money on the military, then it can afford to spend moderate amounts on arts programs. |
Now you’ve got a new warrant, too:
Revised Warrant | A country that can fund expensive programs can also afford less expensive programs. |
This is a premise that you can defend, since you believe strongly that the arts are just as essential as a strong military is to the well-being of the country. Although the warrant now seems solid, you still have to offer strong grounds to support your specific and controversial claim. So you cite statistics from reputable sources, this time comparing the federal budgets for the military and the arts. You break them down in ways that readers can visualize, demonstrating that much less than a penny of every tax dollar goes to support the arts.
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The new NEA logo
But then you hear those voices again, saying that the “common defense” is a federal mandate; the government is constitutionally obligated to support a military, and support for the arts is hardly in the same league! Looks like you need to add a paragraph explaining all the benefits the arts provide for very few dollars spent, and maybe you should suggest that such funding falls under the constitutional mandate to “promote the general welfare.” Though not all readers will accept these grounds, they’ll appreciate that you haven’t ignored their point of view: you’ve gained credibility by anticipating a reasonable objection.
Dealing with conditions of rebuttal is an essential part of argument. But it’s important to understand rebuttal as more than mere opposition. Anticipating objections broadens your horizons, makes you more open to alternative viewpoints, and helps you understand what you need to do to support your claim.
Within Toulmin argument, conditions of rebuttal remind us that we’re part of global conversations: Internet newsgroups and blogs provide potent responses to positions offered by participants in discussions; instant messaging and social networking let you respond to and challenge others; links on Web sites form networks that are infinitely variable and open. In cyberspace, conditions of rebuttal are as close as your screen.
Using an essay or a project you are composing, do a Toulmin analysis of the argument. When you’re done, see which elements of the Toulmin scheme are represented. Are you short of evidence to support the warrant? Have you considered the conditions of rebuttal? Have you qualified your claim adequately? Next, write a brief revision plan: How will you buttress the argument in the places where it is weakest? What additional evidence will you offer for the warrant? How can you qualify your claim to meet the conditions of rebuttal? Then show your paper to a classmate and have him/her do a Toulmin analysis: a new reader will probably see your argument in different ways and suggest revisions that may not have occurred to you.
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Outline of a Toulmin Argument
Consider the claim that was mentioned in “Examples of Claims, Reasons, and Warrants” in Chapter 7, “Structuring Arguments”:
Claim | The federal government should ban e-cigarettes. |
Qualifier | The ban would be limited to public spaces. |
Good | E-cigarettes have not been proven to be harmless. |
Reasons | E-cigarettes legitimize smoking and also are aimed at recruiting teens and children with flavors like bubblegum and cotton candy. |
Warrants | The Constitution promises to “promote the general welfare.” |
Citizens are entitled to protection from harmful actions by others. | |
Backing | The United States is based on a political system that is supposed to serve the basic needs of its people, including their health. |
Evidence | Analysis of advertising campaigns that reveal direct appeals to children |
Lawsuits recently won against e-cigarette companies, citing the link between e-cigarettes and a return to regular smoking | |
Examples of bans on e-cigarettes already imposed in many public places | |
Authority | Cite the FDA and medical groups on effect of e-cigarette smoking. |
Conditions of Rebuttal | E-cigarette smokers have rights, too. |
Smoking laws should be left to the states. | |
Such a ban could not be enforced. | |
Responses | The ban applies to public places; smokers can smoke in private. |
A Toulmin Analysis
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You might wonder how Toulmin’s method holds up when applied to an argument that is longer than a few sentences. Do such arguments really work the way that Toulmin predicts? In the following short argument, well-known linguist and author Deborah Tannen explores the consequences of a shift in the meaning of one crucial word: compromise. Tannen’s essay, which originally appeared as a posting on Politico.com on June 15, 2011, offers a series of interrelated claims based on reasons, evidence, and warrants that culminate in the last sentence of the essay. She begins by showing that the word compromise is now rejected by both the political right and the political left and offers good reasons and evidence to support that claim. She then moves back to a time when “a compromise really was considered great,” and offers three powerful pieces of evidence in support of that claim. The argument then comes back to the present, with a claim that the compromise and politeness of the nineteenth century have been replaced by “growing enmity.” That claim is supported with reasoning and evidence that rest on an underlying warrant that “vituperation and seeing opponents as enemies is corrosive to the human spirit.” The claims in the argument — that compromise has become a dirty word and that enmity and an adversarial spirit are on the rise — lead to Tannen’s conclusion: rejecting compromise breaks the trust necessary for a democracy and thus undermines the very foundation of our society. While she does not use traditional qualifying words, she does say that the situation she describes is a “threat” to our nation, which qualifies the claim to some extent: the situation is not the “death” of our nation but rather a “threat.” Tannen’s annotated essay follows.
Why Is “Compromise” Now a Dirty Word?
DEBORAH TANNEN
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When did the word “compromise” get compromised?
When did the negative connotations of “He was caught in a compromising position” or “She compromised her ethics” replace the positive connotations of “They reached a compromise”?
House Speaker John Boehner said it outright on 60 Minutes last year. When talking about “compromise,” Boehner said, “I reject the word.”
Contextual information leading up to initial claim
“When you say the word ‘compromise,’ ” he explained, “. . . a lot of Americans look up and go, ‘Uh-oh, they’re gonna sell me out.’ ” His position is common right now.
In the same spirit, Tony Perkins wrote in a recent CNN.com op-ed piece, “When it comes to conservative principles, compromise is the companion of losers.”
The political right is particularly vehement when it comes to compromise. Conservatives are now strongly swayed by the tea party movement, whose clarion call is a refusal to compromise, regardless of the practical consequences.
But the rejection of compromise is more widespread than that. The left regularly savages President Barack Obama for compromising too soon, too much or on the wrong issues. Many who fervently sought universal health coverage, for example, could not celebrate its near accomplishment because the president gave up the public option.
The death of compromise has become a threat to our nation as we confront crucial issues such as the debt ceiling and that most basic of legislative responsibilities: a federal budget. At stake is the very meaning of what had once seemed unshakable: “the full faith and credit” of the U.S. government.
Initial claim
Reason
146
Back when the powerful nineteenth-century senator Henry Clay was called “the great compromiser,” achieving a compromise really was considered great. On three occasions, the Kentucky statesman helped the Senate preserve the Union by crafting compromises between the deadlocked slave-holding South and the Northern free states. In 1820, his Missouri Compromise stemmed the spread of slavery. In 1833, when the South was poised to defy federal tariff laws favored by the North and the federal government was about to authorize military action, Clay found a last-minute compromise. And his Compromise of 1850 averted civil war for at least a decade.
Evidence
It was during an 1850 Senate debate that Clay stated his conviction: “I go for honorable compromise whenever it can be made.” Something else he said then holds a key to how the dwindling respect for compromise is related to larger and more dangerous developments in our nation today.
“All legislation, all government, all society,” Clay said, “is formed upon the principle of mutual concession, politeness, comity, courtesy; upon these, everything is based.”
Warrant
Concession, politeness, comity, courtesy — none of these words could be uttered now with the assurance of listeners’ approval. The word “comity” is rarely heard; “concession” sounds weak; “politeness” and “courtesy” sound quaint — much like the contemporary equivalent, “civility.”
Claim
Reason
That Clay lauded both compromise and civil discourse in the same speech reveals the link between, on the one hand, the word “compromise” falling into disrepute, and, on the other, the glorification of aggression that I wrote about in my book, The Argument Culture: Stopping America’s War of Words.
Evidence
Today we have an increasing tendency to approach every task — and each other — in an ever more adversarial spirit. Nowhere is this more evident, or more destructive, than in the Senate.
Claim
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Though the two-party system is oppositional by nature, there is plenty of evidence that a certain (yes) comity has been replaced by growing enmity. We don’t have to look as far back as Clay for evidence. In 1996, for example, an unprecedented fourteen incumbent senators announced that they would not seek reelection. And many, in farewell essays, described an increase in vituperation and partisanship that made it impossible to do the work of the Senate.
Rebuttal
Evidence
“The bipartisanship that is so crucial to the operation of Congress,” Howell Heflin of Alabama wrote, “especially the Senate, has been abandoned.” J. James Exon of Nebraska described an “ever-increasing vicious polarization of the electorate” that had “all but swept aside the former preponderance of reasonable discussion.”
Evidence
But this is not happening only in the Senate. There is a rising adversarial spirit among the people and the press. It isn’t only the obvious invective on TV and radio. A newspaper story that criticizes its subject is praised as “tough”; one that refrains from criticism is scorned as a “puff piece.”
Claim
The notion of “balance” today often leads to a search for the most extreme opposing views — so they can be presented as “both sides,” leaving no forum for subtlety, multiple perspectives or the middle ground, where most people stand. Framing issues in this polarizing way reinforces the impression that Boehner voiced: that compromising is selling out.
Reason
Evidence
Being surrounded by vituperation and seeing opponents as enemies is corrosive to the human spirit. It’s also dangerous to our democracy. The great anthropologist Margaret Mead explained this in a 1962 speech.
Warrant
Claim
“We are essentially a society which must be more committed to a two-party system than to either party,” Mead said. “The only way you can have a two-party system is to belong to a party formally and to fight to the death . . .” not for your party to win but “for the right of the other party to be there too.”
Reason
148
Today, this sounds almost as quaint as “comity” in political discourse.
Mead traced our two-party system to our unique revolution: “We didn’t kill a king and we didn’t execute a large number of our people, and we came into our own without the stained hands that have been associated with most revolutions.”
Reason
With this noble heritage, Mead said, comes “the obligation to keep the kind of government we set up” — where members of each party may “disagree mightily” but still “trust in each other and trust in our political opponents.”
Losing that trust, Mead concluded, undermines the foundation of our democracy. That trust is exactly what is threatened when the very notion of compromise is rejected.
Conclusion
What Toulmin Teaches
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As Tannen’s essay demonstrates, few arguments you read have perfectly sequenced claims or clear warrants, so you might not think of Toulmin’s terms in building your own arguments. Once you’re into your subject, it’s easy to forget about qualifying a claim or finessing a warrant. But remembering what Toulmin teaches will always help you strengthen your arguments:
Claims should be clear, reasonable, and carefully qualified.
Claims should be supported with good reasons and evidence. Remember that a Toulmin structure provides the framework of an argument, which you fill out with all kinds of data, including facts, statistics, precedents, photographs, and even stories.
Claims and reasons should be based on assumptions your audience will likely accept. Toulmin’s focus on warrants can be confusing because it asks us to look at the assumptions that underlie our arguments — something many would rather not do. Toulmin pushes us to probe the values that support any argument and to think of how those values relate to particular audiences.
Effective arguments respectfully anticipate objections readers might offer. Toulmin argument acknowledges that any claim can crumble under certain conditions, so it encourages a complex view that doesn’t demand absolute or unqualified positions.
It takes considerable experience to write arguments that meet all these conditions. Using Toulmin’s framework brings them into play automatically. If you learn it well enough, constructing good arguments can become a habit.
Organization
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As you think about organizing your argument, remember that cultural factors are at work: patterns that you find persuasive are probably ones that are deeply embedded in your culture. In the United States, many people expect a writer to “get to the point” as directly as possible and to articulate that point efficiently and unambiguously. The organizational patterns favored by many in business hold similarities to the classical oration — a highly explicit pattern that leaves little or nothing unexplained — introduction and thesis, background, overview of the parts that follow, evidence, other viewpoints, and conclusion. If a piece of writing follows this pattern, American readers ordinarily find it “well organized.”
So it’s no surprise that student writers in the United States are expected to make their structures direct and their claims explicit, leaving little unspoken. Their claims usually appear early in an argument, often in the first paragraph.
But not all cultures take such an approach. Some expect any claim or thesis to be introduced subtly, indirectly, and perhaps at the end of a work, assuming that audiences will “read between the lines” to understand what’s being said. Consequently, the preferred structure of arguments (and face-to-face negotiations, as well) may be elaborate, repetitive, and full of digressions. Those accustomed to such writing may find more direct Western styles overly simple, childish, or even rude.
When arguing across cultures, look for cues to determine how to structure your presentations effectively. Here are several points to consider:
Do members of your audience tend to be very direct, saying explicitly what they mean? Or are they restrained, less likely to call a spade a spade? Consider adjusting your work to the expectations of the audience.
Do members of your audience tend to respect authority and the opinions of groups? They may find blunt approaches disrespectful or contrary to their expectations.
Consider when to state your thesis: At the beginning? At the end? Somewhere else? Not at all?
Consider whether digressions are a good idea, a requirement, or an element to avoid.