The Trade in Goods and Slaves
THOMAS PHILLIPS, A Journal of a Voyage Made in the Hannibal (1693–1694)
This firsthand account of the African slave trade reveals the highly developed cross-Atlantic network in commodity exchange that had developed by the end of the seventeenth century. Thomas Phillips, who was the Hannibal’s commander, brought European-made products to trade with African kings and chiefs in exchange for slaves whom he then transported to St. Thomas and Barbados for sale primarily to plantation owners cultivating sugar, then a prized commodity in Europe.
[Feb. 27.] The castle of Cabo Corce is the chief of all those our African company have upon this coast, and where their agents or chief factors always reside, to which all the other factories are subordinate. This castle has a handsome prospect from the sea, and is a very regular and well contriv’d fortification, and as strong as it can be well made, considering its situation, being encompass’d with a strong and high brick wall, thro’ which you enter by a well-secur’d and large gate facing the town, and come into a fine and spacious square wherein 4 or 500 men may very conveniently be drawn up and exercis’d. It has four flankers which have a cover’d communication with each other, and are mounted with good guns.…
In this castle the agents and factors have genteel convenient lodgings; and as to the soldiers, I believe there are not better barracks anywhere than here, each two having a handsome room allow’d them, and receive their pay duly and justly in gold dust once a week for their subsistence. The castle has in all about forty guns mounted, some of them brass, and commonly 100 white men in garrison, with a military land officer to discipline and command them under the agents.…
I also carried there on account of the African company, muskets, niconees, tapseals, baysadoes, brass kettles, English carpets, Welsh plains, lead bars, firkins of tallow, powder, etc. None of which did answer expectation, being forc’d to bring back to England a great part of them; and those we sold were at a very low rate.…
At Cabo Corce we took in part of the Indian corn order’d us for the provision of our negroes to Barbadoes, the allowance being a chest which contains about four bushels for every negro. It is charg’d the company at two achies per chest, and bare measure; but we could buy better of the blacks at an achy and ½, and heap’d measure. Here is some palm oil, but it is cheaper at Whidaw, tho’ the island of St. Thomas is the cheapest place, and where there is most plenty of it.…
[Apr. 26.] … and after dinner I went ashore to Mr. Searle the factor here, to know where and when we should send for the corn assign’d us here by the chief merchants at cape Corce, there being not enough to supply us there, and therefore were to call for the rest at this place, and Acna [Accra?], to compleat our quantity of 700 chests each. Mr. Searle immediately order’d what quantity he had to be delivered us whenever our boats came for it, and entertain’d us very lovingly till night when Capt. Shurley and I went on board. Animabo lies in the Kingdom of Fantine, is a pretty large town; the negro inhabitants are accounted very bold and stout fellows, but the most desperate treacherous villains, and greatest cheats upon the whole coast, for the gold here is accounted the worst, and the most mix’d with brass, of any in Guiney; it lies about 4 leagues to the East of Cabo Corce. Our castle is pretty strong, of about 18 guns, where we were very kindly entertained by Mr. Searle some days, and by Mr. Cooper at Aga on other days. Aga is a small thatch’d house, about half a mile to the east from Animabo, on the sea-shore, having little or no defence except a few muskets.…
May the 12th.… Here [Accra] Mr. John Bloome the factor order’d us the remainder of our corn, to compleat 700 chests apiece, which we got aboard, fill’d some water, and had pretty good trade.…
May the 19th. Steering along shore within three leagues, with fine easy gale, we spy’d a canoe making off towards us, whereupon we lay by and staid for her; when she came aboard the master of her brought in three women and four children to sell, but they ask’d very dear for them, and they were almost dead for want of victuals, looking like meer skeletons, and so weak that they could not stand, so that they were not worth buying; he promis’d to procure us 2 or 300 slaves if we would anchor, come ashore, and stay three or four days, but judging what the others might be, by the sample he brought us, and being loth to venture ashore upon his bare word, where we did not use to trade, and had no factory, we sent him away, and pursu’d our voyage; besides that we were upon the Alampo coast, which negroes are esteem’d the worst and most washy of any that are brought to the West-Indies, and yield the least price; why I know not, for they seem as well limb’d and lusty as any other negroes, and the only difference I perceiv’d in them, was, that they are not so black as the others, and are all circumcis’d, which no negroes else upon the whole coast (as I observ’d) are: The negroes most in demand at Barbadoes, are the gold coast, or, as they call them, Cormantines,1 which will yield 3 or 4 l. a head more then the Whidaws, or, as they call them, Papa negroes; but these are preferr’d before the Angola, as they are before the Alampo, which are accounted the worst of all.…
May the 21st. This morning I went ashore at Whidaw, accompany’d by my doctor and purser, Mr. Clay, the present Capt. of the East-India Merchant, his doctor and purser, and about a dozen of our seamen for our guard, arm’d, in order here to reside till we could purchase 1300 negro slaves, which was the number we both wanted, to compleat 700 for the Hannibal, and 650 for the East-India Merchant, according to our agreement in our charter-parties with the royal African company; in procuring which quantity of slaves we spent about nine weeks.…
Our factory [at Whydah] lies about three miles from the sea-side, where we were carry’d in hamocks, which the factor Mr. Joseph Peirson, sent to attend our landing, with several arm’d blacks that belong’d to him for our guard; we were soon truss’d in a bag, toss’d upon negroes heads, and convey’d to our factory.…
Our factory built by Capt. Wiburne, Sir John Wiburne’s brother, stands low near the marshes, which renders it a very unhealthy place to live in; the white men the African company send there, seldom returning to tell their tale: ’tis compass’d round with a mud-wall, about six foot high, and on the south-side is the gate; within is a large yard, a mud thatch’d house, where the factor lives, with the white men; also a store-house, a trunk for slaves, and a place where they bury their dead white men, call’d, very improperly, the hog-yard; there is also a good forge, and some other small houses.… And here I must observe that the rainy season begins about the middle of May, and ends the beginning of August, in which space it was my misfortune to be there, which created sicknesses among my negroes aboard, it being noted for the most malignant season by the blacks themselves, who while the rain lasts will hardly be prevail’d upon to stir out of their huts.…
The factory prov’d beneficial to us in another kind; for after we had procured a parcel of slaves, and sent them down to the sea-side to be carry’d off, it sometimes proved bad weather, and so great a sea, that the canoes could not come ashore to fetch them, so that they returned to the factory, where they were secured and provided for till good weather presented, and then were near to embrace the opportunity, we sometimes shipping off a hundred of both sexes at a time.
The factor, Mr. Peirson, was a brisk man, and had good interest with the king, and credit with the subjects, who knowing their tempers, which is very dastard, had good skill in treating them both civil and rough, as occasion requir’d; most of his slaves belonging to the factory, being gold coast negroes, who are very bold, brave, and sensible, ten of which would beat the best forty men the king of Whidaw had in his kingdom; besides their true love, respect and fidelity to their master, for whose interest or person they will most freely expose their own lives.…
As soon as the king understood of our landing, he sent two of his cappasheirs, or noblemen, to compliment us at our factory, where we design’d to continue, that night, and pay our devoirs to his majesty next day, which we signify’d to them, and they, by a foot-express, to their monarch; whereupon he sent two more of his grandees to invite us there that night, saying he waited for us, and that all former captains used to attend him the first night: whereupon being unwilling to infringe the custom, or give his majesty any offence, we took our hamocks, and Mr. Peirson, myself, Capt. Clay, our surgeons, pursers, and about 12 men, arm’d for our guard, were carry’d to the king’s town, which contains about 50 houses.…
We returned him thanks by his interpreter, and assur’d him how great affection our masters, the royal African company of England, bore to him, for his civility and fair and just dealings with their captains; and that notwithstanding there were many other places, more plenty of negro slaves that begg’d their custom, yet they had rejected all the advantageous offers made them out of their good will to him, and therefore had sent us to trade with him, to supply his country with necessaries, and that we hop’d he would endeavour to continue their favour by his kind usage and fair dealing with us in our trade, that we may have our slaves with all expedition, which was the making of our voyage; that he would oblige his cappasheirs to do us justice, and not impose upon us in their prices; all which we should faithfully relate to our masters, the royal African company, when we came to England. He answer’d that the African company was a very good brave man; that he lov’d him; that we should be fairly dealt with, and not impos’d upon; But he did not prove as good as his word; nor indeed (tho’ his cappasheirs shew him so much respect) dare he do any thing but what they please … so after having examin’d us about our cargoe, what sort of goods we had, and what quantity of slaves we wanted, etc., we took our leaves and return’d to the factory, having promised to come in the morning to make our palavera, or agreement, with him about prices, how much of each of our goods for a slave.
According to promise we attended his majesty with samples of our goods, and made our agreement about the prices, tho’ not without much difficulty; he and his cappasheirs exacted very high, but at length we concluded as per the latter end; then we had warehouses, a kitchen, and lodgings assign’d us, but none of our rooms had doors till we made them, and put on locks and keys; next day we paid our customs to the king and cappasheirs, as will appear hereafter; then the bell was order’d to go about to give notice to all people to bring their slaves to the trunk to sell us: this bell is a hollow piece of iron in shape of a sugar loaf, the cavity of which could contain about 50 lb. of cowries: This a man carry’d about and beat with a stick, which made a small dead sound.…
Capt. Clay and I had agreed to go to the trunk to buy the slaves by turns, each his day, that we might have no distraction or disagreement in our trade, as often happens when there are here more ships than one, and the commanders can’t set their horses together, and go hand in hand in their traffick, whereby they have a check upon the blacks, whereas their disagreements create animosities, underminings, and out-bidding each other, whereby they enhance the prices to their general loss and detriment, the blacks well knowing how to make the best use of such opportunities, and as we found make it their business, and endeavour to create and foment misunderstandings and jealousies between commanders, it turning to their great account in the disposal of their slaves.
When we were at the trunk, the king’s slaves, if he had any, were the first offer’d to sale, which the cappasheirs would be very urgent with us to buy, and would in a manner force us to it ere they would shew us any other, saying they were the Reys Cosa, and we must not refuse them, tho’ as I observ’d they were generally the worst slaves in the trunk, and we paid more for them than any others, which we could not remedy, it being one of his majesty’s prerogatives: then the cappasheirs each brought out his slaves according to his degree and quality, the greatest first, etc. and our surgeon examin’d them well in all kinds, to see that they were sound wind and limb, making them jump, stretch out their arms swiftly, looking in their mouths to judge of their age; for the cappasheirs are so cunning, that they shave them all close before we see them, so that let them be never so old we can see no grey hairs in their heads or beards; and then having liquor’d them well and sleek with palm oil, ’tis no easy matter to know an old one from a middle-age one, but by the teeths decay; but our greatest care of all is to buy none that are pox’d, lest they should infect the rest aboard.…
When we had selected from the rest such as we liked, we agreed in what goods to pay for them, the prices being already stated before the king, how much of each sort of merchandize we were to give for a man, woman, and child, which gave us much ease, and saved abundance of disputes and wranglings, and gave the owner a note, signifying our agreement of the sorts of goods; upon delivery of which the next day he receiv’d them; then we mark’d the slaves we had bought in the breast, or shoulder, with a hot iron, having the letter of the ship’s name on it, the place being before anointed with a little palm oil, which caus’d but little pain, the mark being usually well in four or five days, appearing very plain and white after.
When we had purchas’d to the number of 50 or 60 we would send them aboard, there being a cappasheir, intitled the captain of the slaves, whose care it was to secure them to the water-side, and see them all off; and if in carrying to the marine any were lost, he was bound to make them good, to us, the captain of the trunk being oblig’d to do the like, if any ran away while under his care, for after we buy them we give him charge of them till the captain of the slaves comes to carry them away: These are two officers appointed by the king for this purpose, to each of which every ship pays the value of a slave in what goods they like best for their trouble, when they have done trading; and indeed they discharg’d their duty to us very faithfully, we not having lost one slave thro’ their neglect in 1300 we bought here.
There is likewise a captain of the sand, who is appointed to take care of the merchandize we have come ashore to trade with, that the negroes do not plunder them, we being often forced to leave goods a whole night on the sea shore, for want of porters to bring them up; but notwithstanding his care and authority, we often came by the loss, and could have no redress.
When our slaves were come to the seaside, our canoes were ready to carry them off to the longboat, if the sea permitted, and she convey’d them aboard ship, where the men were all put in irons, two and two shackled together, to prevent their mutiny, or swimming ashore.
The negroes are so wilful and loth to leave their own country, that they have often leap’d out of the canoes, boat and ship, into the sea, and kept under water till they were drowned, to avoid being taken up and saved by our boats, which pursued them; they having a more dreadful apprehension of Barbadoes than we can have of hell, tho’ in reality they live much better there than in their own country; but home is home, etc: we have likewise seen divers of them eaten by the sharks, of which a prodigious number kept about the ships in this place, and I have been told will follow her hence to Barbadoes, for the dead negroes that are thrown over-board in the passage. I am certain in our voyage there we did not want the sight of some every day, but that they were the same I can’t affirm.
We had about 12 negroes did wilfully drown themselves, and others starv’d themselves to death; for ’tis their belief that when they die they return home to their own country and friends again.
I have been inform’d that some commanders have cut off the legs and arms of the most wilful, to terrify the rest, for they believe if they lose a member, they cannot return home again: I was advis’d by some of my officers to do the same, but I could not be perswaded to entertain the least thought of it, much less put in practice such barbarity and cruelty to poor creatures, who, excepting their want of christianity and true religion (their misfortune more than fault) are as much the works of God’s hands, and no doubt as dear to him as ourselves; nor can I imagine why they should be despis’d for their colour, being what they cannot help, and the effect of the climate it has pleas’d God to appoint them. I can’t think there is any intrinsick value in one colour more than another, nor that white is better than black, only we think so because we are so, and are prone to judge favourably in our own case, as well as the blacks, who in odium of the colour, say, the devil is white, and so paint him.…
Having bought my compliment of 700 slaves, viz. 480 men and 220 women, and finish’d all my business at Whidaw, I took my leave of the old king, and his cappasheirs, and parted, with many affectionate expressions on both sides, being forced to promise him that I would return again the next year, with several things he desired me to bring him from England; and having sign’d bills of lading to Mr. Peirson, for the negroes aboard, I set sail the 27th of July in the morning, accompany’d with the East-India Merchant, who had bought 650 slaves, for the island of St. Thomas, with the wind at W.S.W.…
We supply’d ourselves with some Indian corn, figolas, or kidney-beans, plantins, yams, potatoes, cocoa-nuts, limes, oranges, etc., for the use and refreshment of our negroes, at the following rates, viz.
Indian corn at two alcars per dollar.
Figolas or kidney beans, at dollars three per chest, which would contain near four bushels.
Plantins at dollars two and a half per thousand, by tale.
Yams, which are great large roots, and eat very sweet, much like potato in taste, at dollars 25 per thousand, by tale.
Cocoa-nuts at dollars 10 per thousand nuts.
Limes, oranges, limons, bananas, etc. for little or nothing.…
Having completed all my business ashore in fourteen days that I lay here, yesterday in the afternoon I came off with a resolution to go to sea. Accordingly about six in the evening we got up our anchors, and set sail for Barbadoes, being forc’d to leave the East-India Merchant behind, who could not get ready to sail in nine or ten days; which time I could not afford to stay, in respect to the mortality of my negroes, of which two or three died every day, also the small quantity of provisions I had to serve for my passage to Barbadoes.…
We spent in our passage from St. Thomas to Barbadoes two months eleven days, from the 25th of August to the 4th of November following: in which time there happen’d much sickness and mortality among my poor men and negroes, that of the first we buried 14, and of the last 320, which was a great detriment to our voyage, the royal African company losing ten pounds by every slave that died, and the owners of the ship ten pounds ten shillings, being the freight agreed on to be paid them by the charter-party for every negroe deliver’d alive ashore to the African company’s agents at Barbadoes; whereby the loss in all amounted to near 6560 pounds sterling. The distemper which my men as well as the blacks mostly die of, was the white flux, which was so violent and inveterate, that no medicine would in the least check it; so that when any of our men were seiz’d with it, we esteem’d him a dead man, as he generally proved. I cannot imagine what should cause it in them so suddenly, they being free from it till about a week after we left the island of St. Thomas. And next to the malignity of the climate, I can attribute it to nothing else but the unpurg’d black sugar, and raw unwholesome rum they bought there, of which they drank in punch to great excess, and which it was not in my power to hinder, having chastis’d several of them, and flung over-board what rum and sugar I could find.…
The negroes are so incident to the small-pox, that few ships that carry them escape without it, and sometimes it makes vast havock and destruction among them: but tho’ we had 100 at a time sick of it, and that it went thro’ the ship, yet we lost not above a dozen by it. All the assistance we gave the diseased was only as much water as they desir’d to drink, and some palm-oil to anoint their sores, and they would generally recover without any other helps but what kind nature gave them.
One thing is very surprizing in this distemper among the blacks, that tho’ it immediately infects those of their own colour, yet it will never seize a white man; for I had several white men and boys aboard that had never had that distemper, and were constantly among the blacks that were sick of it, yet none of them in the least catch’d it, tho’ it be the very same malady in its effects, as well as symptoms, among the blacks, as among us in England, beginning with the pain in the head, back, shivering, vomiting, fever, etc. But what the small-pox spar’d, the flux swept off, to our great regret, after all our pains and care to give them their messes in due order and season, keeping their lodgings as clean and sweet as possible, and enduring so much misery and stench so long among a parcel of creatures nastier than swine; and after all our expectations to be defeated by their mortality. No gold-finders can endure so much noisome slavery as they do who carry negroes; for those have some respite and satisfaction, but we endure twice the misery; and yet by their mortality our voyages are ruin’d, and we pine and fret our selves to death, to think that we should undergo so much misery, and take so much pains to so little purpose.
I deliver’d alive at Barbadoes to the company’s factors 372, which being sold, came out at about nineteen pounds per head one with another.…
Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, ed. Elizabeth Donnan (Buffalo: William S. Hein & Co., 2002), 395–403, 408–410.
READING AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS