5. Failure and Factionalism

5.
Failure and Factionalism

The Gracchan Reforms (133 B.C.E.)

By the second century B.C.E., decades of war had exacted an economic toll on the Roman republic. Despite the vast territories and riches of the elite, many Roman citizens struggled to survive, especially veterans who had been displaced from their farms. In 133 B.C.E., the official newly elected by the plebs to protect their rights, Tiberius Gracchus (d. 133 B.C.E.), initiated a reform program to relieve the people’s plight, described here by his biographer, Plutarch (c. 50–120 C.E.). As Plutarch vividly recounts, Tiberius’s senatorial colleagues vehemently opposed him and viewed his efforts as a threat to their elite status and wealth. Tiberius paid for his reform initiative with his life, and thereby opened a new and violent chapter in Roman politics. Henceforth, Roman citizens became increasingly more polarized, which set the stage for civil war.

From Plutarch’s Lives, vol. 4, rev. trans. A. H. Clough (Boston: Little, Brown, 1909), 514–21.

But his brother Gaius has left it to us in writing, that when Tiberius went through Tuscany to Numantia, and found the country almost depopulated, there being hardly any free peasants or shepherds, but for the most part only barbarian, imported slaves, he then first conceived the course of policy which in the sequel proved so fatal to his family. Though it is also most certain that the people themselves chiefly excited his zeal and determination in the prosecution of it, by setting up writings upon the porches, walls, and monuments, calling upon him to reinstate the poor citizens in their former possessions.

However, he did not draw up his law without the advice and assistance of those citizens that were then most eminent for their virtue and authority; amongst whom were Crassus, the high-priest, Mucius Scaevola, the lawyer, who at that time was consul, and Claudius Appius, his father-in-law. Never did any law appear more moderate and gentle, especially being enacted against such great oppression and avarice. For they who ought to have been severely punished for transgressing the former laws, and should at least have lost all their titles to such lands which they had unjustly usurped, were notwithstanding to receive a price for quitting their unlawful claims, and giving up their lands to those fit owners who stood in need of help. But though this reformation was managed with so much tenderness, that, all the former transactions being passed over, the people were only thankful to prevent abuses of the like nature for the future, yet, on the other hand, the moneyed men, and those of great estates, were exasperated, through their covetous feelings against the law itself, and against the law giver, through anger and party spirit. They therefore endeavored to seduce the people, declaring that Tiberius was designing a general redivision of lands, to overthrow the government, and put all things into confusion.

But they had no success. For Tiberius, maintaining an honorable and just cause, and possessed of eloquence sufficient to have made a less creditable action appear plausible, was no safe or easy antagonist, when, with the people crowding around the hustings, he took his place, and spoke in behalf of the poor. “The savage beasts,” said he, “in Italy, have their particular dens, they have their places of repose and refuge; but the men who bear arms, and expose their lives for the safety of their country, enjoy in the mean time nothing more in it but the air and light; and having no houses or settlements of their own, are constrained to wander from place to place with their wives and children.” He told them that the commanders were guilty of a ridiculous error, when, at the head of their armies, they exhorted the common soldiers to fight for their sepulchres and altars; when not any amongst so many Romans is possessed of either altar or monument, neither have they any houses of their own, or hearths of their ancestors to defend. They fought indeed, and were slain, but it was to maintain the luxury and the wealth of other men. They were styled the masters of the world, but in the mean time had not one foot of ground which they could call their own. An harangue of this nature, spoken to an enthusiastic and sympathizing audience, by a person of commanding spirit and genuine feeling, no adversaries at that time were competent to oppose. Forbearing, therefore, all discussion and debate, they addressed themselves to Marcus Octavius, his fellow-tribune, who, being a young man of a steady, orderly character, and an intimate friend of Tiberius, upon this account declined at first the task of opposing him; but at length, over persuaded with the repeated importunities of numerous considerable persons, he was prevailed upon to do so, and hindered the passing of the law; it being the rule that any tribune has a power to hinder an act, and that all the rest can effect nothing, if only one of them dissents. . . .

When the day appointed was come, and the people summoned to give their votes, the rich men seized upon the voting urns, and carried them away by force; thus all things were in confusion. . . .

But when the senate assembled, and could not bring the business to any result, through the prevalence of the rich faction, he [Tiberius] then was driven to a course neither legal nor fair, and proposed to deprive Octavius of his tribuneship, it being impossible for him in any other way to get the law brought to the vote. . . .

He referred the whole matter to the people, calling on them to vote at once, whether Octavius should be deposed or not; and when seventeen of the thirty-five tribes had already voted against him, and there wanted only the votes of one tribe more for his final deprivation, Tiberius put a short stop to the proceedings, and once more renewed his importunities; he embraced and kissed him before all the assembly, begging, with all the earnestness imaginable, that he would neither suffer himself to incur the dishonor, nor him to be reputed the author and promoter of so odious a measure. Octavius, we are told, did seem a little softened and moved with these entreaties; his eyes filled with tears, and he continued silent for a considerable time. But presently looking towards the rich men and proprietors of estates, who stood gathered in a body together, partly for shame, and partly for fear of disgracing himself with them, he boldly bade Tiberius use any severity he pleased. The law for his deprivation being thus voted, Tiberius ordered one of his servants, whom he had made a freeman, to remove Octavius from the rostra, employing his own domestic freed servants in the stead of the public officers. And it made the action seem all the sadder, that Octavius was dragged out in such an ignominious manner. The people immediately assaulted him, whilst the rich men ran in to his assistance. Octavius, with some difficulty, was snatched away, and safely conveyed out of the crowd; though a trusty servant of his, who had placed himself in front of his master that he might assist his escape, in keeping off the multitude, had his eyes struck out, much to the displeasure of Tiberius, who ran with all haste, when he perceived the disturbance, to appease the rioters.

This being done, the law concerning the lands was ratified and confirmed, and three commissioners were appointed, to make a survey of the grounds and see the same equally divided. These were Tiberius himself, Claudius Appius, his father-in-law, and his brother, Caius Gracchus, who at this time was not at Rome, but in the army under the command of Scipio Africanus before Numantia. These things were transacted by Tiberius without any disturbance, none daring to offer any resistance to him. . . .

About this time, king Attalus, surnamed Philometor, died, and Eudemus, a Pergamenian, brought his last will to Rome, by which he had made the Roman people his heirs. Tiberius, to please the people, immediately proposed making a law, that all the money which Attalus left, should be distributed amongst such poor citizens as were to be sharers of the public lands, for the better enabling them to proceed in stocking and cultivating their ground; and as for the cities that were in the territories of Attalus, he declared that the disposal of them did not at all belong to the senate, but to the people, and that he himself would ask their pleasure herein. By this he offended the senate more than ever he had done before.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

  1. According to Plutarch, what specific factors prompted Tiberius to take action in the people’s favor?

    Question

    wsBRYlEC0lhAR50xjk2CUM3bzQZhpumzT6IDSacMnu690Rz3DFu9ovqZEOhPztUdQsD1g/WqAYu2MrmW+PDMyMp7Z+XtpvWrRpAJEfk8z00rtUOv6j9n0qL/cDzcwBKtBfbWfa00AUJ8WMaca6pTdMPTRqhF0Bu9V4wEjmNkT7fs5ahP9LEYwzfDdX5OCOQV
    According to Plutarch, what specific factors prompted Tiberius to take action in the people’s favor?
  2. In his address to the crowd, how does Tiberius characterize his opponents, and why?

    Question

    mhocn0fqKGlyaZNFmIGuCPbxiLU59lLbX0iLz6Tul8QpURsO+/hBAE9aQ3CVydOUjEgCtYIwFlrUdz3kySIrg3I9NYkoVJJ5UBkv+I/ViwGdIRjViNn01sG8VH7eL3m3a3IqvNcJlZgcyRAb60jG+pvyHhWnMvf2s/XjUmVk6vQ=
    In his address to the crowd, how does Tiberius characterize his opponents, and why?
  3. As portrayed by Plutarch, what fundamental Roman values did Tiberius embody?

    Question

    1iBbohmJLDFNX76PvkIcjoRgZjc/wRLlhPnhu+96QfpXbCgFsomSJCcDncfqE/Mq2keuI/SCu1fUo7dttWyfD6Pg3wAvRc7Ca0xgmgkIBpOPEagSQRKxmkygqVF8fwtsTX6sin5I2Rf6sWSBld7U4NoVHJoUYdkV
    As portrayed by Plutarch, what fundamental Roman values did Tiberius embody?