1. Napoleon in Egypt

1.
Napoleon in Egypt

The Chronicle of Abd al-Rahman al-Jabartî (1798)

While the Directory government that came to power in 1795 worked to establish order in France, Napoleon (1769–1821) continued the Revolution’s policy of conquest and annexation abroad, first in Italy (1796–1797) and then in Egypt (1798–1801). At the time, Egypt was France’s most important trading partner outside of the Caribbean; it was also a key base for challenging British interests in Asia. Egyptian historian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabartî’s (1753–c. 1826) account of the first six months of the French invasion offers a native’s perspective of Napoleon. In the excerpt here, Jabartî views Napoleon’s actions skeptically through the lens of his own culture. His skepticism proved well founded, for Napoleon failed to colonize Egypt. Even so, he retained his reputation as a great military leader, preparing the way for his mastery of France and much of Europe through a blend of authoritarian policies and revolutionary principles similar to those used in Egypt.

From Shmuel Moreh, trans., Napoleon in Egypt: Al-Jabartî’s Chronicle of the French Occupation, 1798 (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 1993), 24–33.

On Monday news arrived that the French had reached Damanhur and Rosetta, bringing about the flight of their inhabitants to Fuwwa and its surroundings. Contained in this news was mention of the French sending notices throughout the country demanding impost for the upkeep of the military. Furthermore they printed a large proclamation in Arabic, calling on the people to obey them and to raise their “Bandiera.” In this proclamation were inducements, warnings, all manner of wiliness and stipulations. Some copies were sent from the provinces to Cairo and its text is:

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He has no son, nor has He an associate in His Dominion.

On behalf of the French Republic which is based upon the foundation of liberty and equality, General Bonaparte, Commander-in-Chief of the French armies makes known to all the Egyptian people that for a long time the Sanjaqs1 who lorded it over Egypt have treated the French community basely and contemptuously and have persecuted its merchants with all manner of extortion and violence. Therefore the hour of punishment has now come.

Unfortunately this group of Mamlūks,2 imported from the mountains of Circassia and Georgia have acted corruptly for ages in the fairest land that is to be found upon the face of the globe. However, the Lord of the Universe, the Almighty, has decreed the end of their power.

O ye Egyptians, they may say to you that I have not made an expedition hither for any other object than that of abolishing your religion; but this is a pure falsehood and you must not give credit to it, but tell the slanderers that I have not come to you except for the purpose of restoring your rights from the hands of the oppressors and that I more than the Mamlūks, serve God. . . .

And tell them also that all people are equal in the eyes of God and the only circumstances which distinguish one from the other are reason, virtue, and knowledge. But amongst the Mamlūks, what is there of reason, virtue, and knowledge, which would distinguish them from others and qualify them alone to possess everything which sweetens life in this world? Wherever fertile land is found it is appropriated to the Mamlūks; and the handsomest female slaves, and the best horses, and the most desirable dwelling-places, all these belong to them exclusively. If the land of Egypt is a fief of the Mamlūks, let them then produce the title-deed, which God conferred upon them. But the Lord of the Universe is compassionate and equitable toward mankind, and with the help of the Exalted, from this day forward no Egyptian shall be excluded from admission to eminent positions nor from acquiring high ranks, therefore the intelligent and virtuous and learned (“ulamā”) amongst them, will regulate their affairs, and thus the state of the whole population will be rightly adjusted. . . .

Blessing on blessing to the Egyptians who will act in concert with us, without any delay, for their condition shall be rightly adjusted, and their rank raised. Blessing also, upon those who will abide in their habitations, not siding with either of the two hostile parties, yet when they know us better, they will hasten to us with all their hearts. But woe upon woe to those who will unite with the Mamlūks and assist them in the war against us, for they will not find the way of escape, and no trace of them shall remain. . . .

Here is an explanation of the incoherent words and vulgar constructions which he put into this miserable letter.

His statement “In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He has no son, nor has He an associate in His Dominion.” In mentioning these three sentences there is an indication that the French agree with the three religions, but at the same time they do not agree with them, not with any religion. They are consistent with the Muslims in stating the formula “In the name of God,” in denying that He has a son or an associate. They disagree with the Muslims in not mentioning the two Articles of Faith, in rejecting the mission of Muhammad, and the legal words and deeds which are necessarily recognized by religion. They agree with the Christians in most of their words and deeds, but disagree with them by not mentioning the Trinity, and denying the mission and furthermore in rejecting their beliefs, killing the priests and destroying the churches. Then, their statement “On behalf of the French Republic, etc.,” that is, this proclamation is sent from their Republic, that means their body politic, because they have no chief or sultan with whom they all agree, like others, whose function is to speak on their behalf. For when they rebelled against their sultan six years ago and killed him, the people agreed unanimously that there was not to be a single ruler but that their state, territories, laws, and administration of their affairs, should be in the hands of the intelligent and wise men among them. They appointed persons chosen by them and made them heads of the army, and below them generals and commanders of thousands, two hundreds, and tens, administrators and advisers, on condition that they were all to be equal and none superior to any other in view of the equality of creation and nature. They made this the foundation and basis of their system. This is the meaning of their statement “based upon the foundation of liberty and equality.” . . . They follow this rule: great and small, high and low, male and female are all equal. Sometimes they break this rule according to their whims and inclinations or reasoning. Their women do not veil themselves and have no modesty; they do not care whether they uncover their private parts. Whenever a Frenchman has to perform an act of nature he does so wherever he happens to be, even in full view of people, and he goes away as he is, without washing his private parts after defecation. If he is a man of taste and refinement he wipes himself with whatever he finds, even with a paper with writing on it, otherwise he remains as he is. They have intercourse with any woman who pleases them and vice versa. Sometimes one of their women goes into a barber’s shop, and invites him to shave her pubic hair. If he wishes he can take his fee in kind. It is their custom to shave both their moustaches and beard. Some of them leave the hair of their cheeks only. . . .

His saying qad hattama etc. (has decreed) shows that they are appointing themselves controllers of God’s secrets, but there is no disgrace worse than disbelief. . . .

His statement wa-qūlū li’l-muftariyīn (but tell the slanderers) is the plural of muftari (slanderer) which means liar, and how worthy of this description they are. The proof of that is his saying “I have not come to you except for the purpose of restoring your rights from the hands of the oppressors,” which is the first lie he uttered and a falsehood which he invented. Then he proceeds to something even worse than that, may God cast him into perdition, with his words: “I more than the Mamlūks serve God. . . .” There is no doubt that this is a derangement of his mind, and an excess of foolishness. . . .

His saying [all people] are equal in the eyes of God the Almighty, this is a lie and stupidity. How can this be when God has made some superior to others as is testified by the dwellers in the Heavens and on the Earth? . . .

May God hurry misfortune and punishment upon them, may He strike their tongues with dumbness, may He scatter their hosts, and disperse them, confound their intelligence, and cause their breath to cease. He has the power to do that, and it is up to Him to answer.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

  1. What strategy did Napoleon use in his proclamation to garner the support of the Egyptian people?

    Question

    +LjlXBguSwp2jl+WAWrzcxVC9MrFqd9vZfltrhtnO7AxeQDXePq6tPBFU/XOph9Qtx9bGaky0JtaKs1Vh39Us3osfOinc2ppsZjHt3o2oMM9WJFEV/tMrlxrD0HnvmT+pH45OLtAlkivqwhYfolvXLrt3aqbQax0oUGDFNgFPJdmyUo7omPl5F8VoiE=
    What strategy did Napoleon use in his proclamation to garner the support of the Egyptian people?
  2. What does this strategy suggest about Napoleon’s personal ambitions and method of rule?

    Question

    ZigdUzHa8ov0YH3cyX1TjGhGIKrKyzC7hVjRpOT9/qIjxfZkfxkf7zHxRRNGMz2iGOCRKY2lGmQF3eRgC81K9c6oNMpwUZ69F4Gmik3wIaMnYvjLtKyj5ujFnc0rpuZVk9Zq64cHxoR1jkHH5FxJ2Bhl418K2ibps8V2A1OEc6pCnZjw
    What does this strategy suggest about Napoleon’s personal ambitions and method of rule?
  3. Why is Jabartî critical of Napoleon’s intentions as stated in his proclamation?

    Question

    IpACOYwldw4q3QxD5ooyNO0xwTtwQCXv6axvhTm47hMGVpttqmYrG3L16FZt6Z8UaQyELtz9edg9DPBciXzxIEFT1XC66GgioKK6tjOGSZDRvz65/upxoxjuJQsg35Sgx0l/8GbOMRRU5KBNQrP2pcEHZ1WNwr+dv+UVcw==
    Why is Jabartî critical of Napoleon’s intentions as stated in his proclamation?
  4. What do Jabartî’s criticisms suggest about the differences between the French and Egyptian cultures?

    Question

    oEWUzjUEbJuN6oxXzV4Qk0KzZKZnavOVR6DUWVKLGrMVMLC71jTNrDNVfJHBVN5pmcmG90l7cegMI4YdU3oxWDIOwtCyyoMSzOW35BT2/xHFlihcFzs1qVui+kS1BYKFZkpR7IBQ6Gqp63DUCKfIxcjCCQF585XznqkfEfcTsI4QJB1jhhDU2dGz7sVHq0xqL0oV9w==
    What do Jabartî’s criticisms suggest about the differences between the French and Egyptian cultures?