Document 27-1: SIMÓN BOLÍVAR, Jamaica Letter (1815)

Bolívar Identifies the Challenges Latin America Faces

Simón Bolívar (1783–1830), the son of a wealthy colonial family whose ancestors had been in Venezuela since the sixteenth century, was educated in both Enlightenment ideals and military science. He rose to prominence during the 1810s, when American rebels took advantage of Napoleon’s occupation of Spain and formed independent states in former Spanish colonies. Despite early revolutionary successes that earned him the title of El Libertador, or “the Liberator,” Bolívar fled to Jamaica and then Haiti in 1815. Returning to Venezuela with Haitian support the following year, he launched the campaign that would liberate much of Latin America from Spanish rule. Bolívar’s goals of freedom and equality were compromised in their execution by Latin American political and economic interests, and Bolívar died disenchanted with the “ungovernable” continent. His famous Jamaica Letter outlines his grievances and hopes for American independence.

Europe itself, . . . by reasons of wholesome policies, should have prepared and carried out the plan of American independence, not only because it is so required for the balance of the world, but because this is a legitimate and safe means of obtaining commercial posts on the other side of the ocean. . . .

I consider the actual state of America as when, after the collapse of the Roman Empire, each member constituted a political system in conformity with its interests and position, but with this great difference: that these scattered members reestablished the old nationalities with the alterations required by circumstances or events. But we, who scarcely keep a vestige of things of the past, and who, on the other hand, are not Indians nor Europeans, but a mixture of the legitimate owners of the country and the usurping Spaniards; in short, we, being Americans by birth and with rights equal to those of Europe, have to dispute these rights with the men of the country, and to maintain ourselves against the possession of the invaders. Thus, we find ourselves in the most extraordinary and complicated predicament. . . .

Americans, under the Spanish system now in vigor, have in society no other place than that of serfs fit for work, and, at the most, that of simple consumers; and even this is limited by absurd restrictions, such as prohibition of the cultivation of European products; the monopoly of certain goods in the hands of the king; the prevention of the establishment in America of factories not possessed by Spain; the exclusive privileges of trade, even regarding the necessities of life; the obstacles placed in the way of the American provinces so that they may not deal with each other, nor have understandings, nor trade. In short, do you want to know what was our lot? The fields, in which to cultivate indigo, cochineal,1 coffee, sugar cane, cocoa, cotton; the solitary plains, to breed cattle; the deserts, to hunt the wild beasts; the bosom of the earth, to extract gold, with which that avaricious country was never satisfied.

We were never viceroys or governors except by very extraordinary reasons; archbishops and bishops, seldom; ambassadors, never; military men, only as subordinates; nobles, without privileges; lastly, we were neither magistrates nor financiers, and hardly merchants. All this we had to accept in direct opposition to our institutions.

The Americans have risen suddenly and without previous preparation and without previous knowledge and, what is more deplorable, without experience in public affairs, to assume in the world the eminent dignity of legislators, magistrates, administrators of the public treasury, diplomats, generals and all the supreme and subordinate authorities which form the hierarchy of an organized state.

The events of the mainland have proved that perfectly representative institutions do not agree with our character, habits, and present state of enlightenment. . . . So long as our fellow citizens do not acquire the talents and the political virtues which distinguish our brothers of the North, who have a system of government altogether popular in character, I am very much afraid these institutions might lead to our ruin instead of aiding us. . . .

I desire more than anybody else to see the formation in America of the greatest nation in the world, not so much as to its extension and wealth as to its glory and freedom.

Guillermo A. Sherwell, Simón Bolívar, El Libertador (Washington, D.C.: Byron S. Adams, 1921), 89–92.

READING AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

  1. As Bolívar describes it, what is the advantage of American independence for Europe?
  2. How did Europe (especially Spain) treat its American holdings, according to Bolívar?
  3. What are the problems that Bolívar predicts for American self-governance? What kind of a system does he propose?