Evaluating the Evidence 30.3: The Thessaloniki Programme

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The Thessaloniki Programme

Under the leadership of soon-to-be Greek prime minister Alexis Tsipras, the left-wing Syriza Party unanimously adopted the Thessaloniki Programme in September 2014. The reformist manifesto called for a “European Debt Conference” to write down Greece’s public debt and end the austerity policies enforced by bailout deals with the EU, and announced a series of measures to grow the Greek economy. In elections in January 2015, Syriza took power from the center-right government led by Prime Minister Antonis Samaras. Though Tsipras boldly announced that the terms of the Programme were “non-negotiable,” in July 2015 his government accepted a new EU bailout and a new round of strict austerity requirements.

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We demand immediate parliamentary elections and a strong negotiation mandate with the goal to:

Write-off the greater part of public debt’s nominal value so that it becomes sustainable in the context of a “European Debt Conference.” It happened for Germany in 1953. It can also happen for the South of Europe and Greece.

Include a “growth clause” in the repayment of the remaining part so that it is growth-financed and not budget-financed.

Include a significant grace period (“moratorium”) in debt servicing to save funds for growth.

Exclude public investment from the restrictions of the Stability and Growth Pact.

A “European New Deal” of public investment financed by the European Investment Bank.

Quantitative easing by the European Central Bank with direct purchases of sovereign bonds.

Finally, we declare once again that the issue of the Nazi Occupation forced loan from the Bank of Greece is open for us. Our partners know it. It will become the country’s official position from our first days in power.

On the basis of this plan, we will fight and secure a socially viable solution to Greece’s debt problem so that our country is able to pay off the remaining debt from the creation of new wealth and not from primary surpluses, which deprive society of income.

With that plan, we will lead with security the country to recovery and productive reconstruction by:

Immediately increasing public investment by at least €4 billion.

Gradually reversing all the Memorandum injustices.

Gradually restoring salaries and pensions so as to increase consumption and demand.

Providing small and medium-sized enterprises with incentives for employment, and subsidizing the energy cost of industry in exchange for an employment and environmental clause.

Investing in knowledge, research, and new technology in order to have young scientists, who have been massively emigrating over the last years, back home.

Rebuilding the welfare state, restoring the rule of law and creating a meritocratic state.

We are ready to negotiate and we are working towards building the broadest possible alliances in Europe.

The present Samaras government is once again ready to accept the decisions of the creditors. The only alliance which it cares to build is with the German government.

This is our difference and this is, at the end, the dilemma:

European negotiation by a SYRIZA government, or acceptance of the creditors’ terms on Greece by the Samaras government.

EVALUATE THE EVIDENCE

  1. How did the Thessaloniki Programme challenge the economic policies promoted by international organizations like the European Union and the International Monetary Fund?
  2. Why did Tsipras and the Syriza Party drop these demands? How do you think the Greek public responded to that action?

Source: “Syriza: The Thessaloniki Programme,” Syriza, http://www.syriza.gr/article/SYRIZA--THE-THESSALONIKI-PROGRAMME.html#.VfXCt87WFJk.