10.3 Sexual Interactions

Watch Me Fall Adolescent boys in a skate park were videotaped in two circumstances: with an attractive female stranger sitting on a bench nearby and with no one watching. (The camera was hidden.) The boys took more risks, and fell more often, with the female observer present (Ronay & von Hippel, 2010).

COURTESY RICHARD RONAY

As explained in Chapter 9, the hormones of puberty awaken sexual interest. Adolescent sexual interactions are not only normal, they are joyous and instructive, preparing young people for healthy adult relationships. Of course, teenage romance is complicated and early sex is problematic, as soon described. But first, let us celebrate: Teenagers today are sexually healthier than teenagers a few decades ago.

• In general, there has been a downward trend in teen births around the world. For example, between 1960 and 2010, the adolescent birth rate in China was cut in half (reducing the United Nations’ projections of the world’s population in 2050 by about 1 billion). In Canada between 1996 and 2006, the teen pregnancy rate declined by 37 percent, continuing a long-term downward trend evident since the 1970s. However, between 2006 and 2010, the national teen pregnancy rate edged slightly upwards, and four provinces experienced increases of more than 15 percent (McKay, 2013). Curiously, most experts feel the economic recession had a lot to do with the upsurge. According to Alex McKay, research coordinator for the Sex Information and Education Council of Canada: “Young women who feel optimistic about their futures with respect to access to education and career tend not to get pregnant. Young women who are starting to feel discouraged about their employment and education opportunities are more likely to get pregnant. That is a straightforward correlation that persists wherever in the Western world you go” (Bielski, 2013).
• The use of protection has risen. Contraception, particularly condom use among adolescent boys, has increased markedly everywhere since 1990 (Santelli & Melnikas, 2010). In Canada, among males aged 15 to 24 with just one sexual partner, condom use increased from 59 percent in 2003 to 67 percent in 2010 (Rotermann, 2012).
• The teen abortion rate is down. From 2001 to 2010, the teenage abortion rate in Canada decreased by more than 24 percent, from 19.4 per 1000 to 14.7 (McKay, 2013).

For all these, cohort is crucial. For most of the twentieth century, North American youth reported sexual activity at younger and younger ages. For the most part, this trend has either reversed or stabilized. In Canada, the percentage of 15- to 17-year-olds reporting having sexual intercourse remained relatively stable between 1996 and 2010, and was consistently lower than the rates for 18- to 19-year-olds (see Figure 10.1) (Rotermann, 2012).

FIGURE 10.1 Rates of Sexual Intercourse The percentage of 15- to 17-year-olds reporting ever having sexual intercourse has remained relatively stable between 1996 and 2010. For 18- to 19-year-olds during the same period, the percentage decreased slightly and then increased slightly.

Sources: Rotermann, 2008, 2012.

During the same period, the double standard (with boys expected to be more sexually active than girls) decreased, and today boys and girls are quite similar in reported sexual activity. Both sexes are much more knowledgeable about sexual matters, which may be the underlying reason for all the trends reported above.

Romance

Decades ago, Australian researcher Dexter Dunphy (1963) described the sequence of male–female relationships during childhood and adolescence:

1. Groups of friends, exclusively one sex or the other
2. A loose association of girls and boys, with public interactions within a crowd
3. Small mixed-sex groups of the advanced members of the crowd
4. Formation of couples, with private intimacies.

Dunphy recognized, and later data from many nations confirm, that culture affects the timing and manifestation of each step, but not the sequence. Youth worldwide (and even the young of other primates) avoid the other sex in childhood and are attracted to them after puberty, with romantic partnerships gradually forming. This universal pattern suggests that physiological maturation governs this sequence.

Romance By the end of high school, romantic partnerships often form, as shown with this couple going to prom together.

H.D. WILLIAMS LIFE MOMENTS PHOTOGRAPHY/FLICKR/GETTY IMAGES

In modern developed nations, where puberty begins with hormones at about age 10 and enduring partnerships occur much later, each of Dunphy’s four stages typically lasts several years. Early, exclusive romances are more often a sign of social trouble than maturity, especially for girls (Eklund et al., 2010; Hipwell et al., 2010).

Romance and Sexual IntercourseContrary to adult fears, many teenage romances do not include sexual intercourse. When and with whom a person becomes sexually active depends on a cascade of factors, including age at puberty, parenting practices, peer pressure, culture, and dating relationships (Longmore et al., 2009). In British Columbia in 2008, even though one-third of all high school students said they were sexually experienced by Grade 10, another one-third of graduating students were virgins (Saewyc et al., 2008). These trends were similar in the United States. Norms vary markedly from crowd to crowd, school to school, city to city, and country to country. For instance, less than half as many high school students in San Francisco as in Philadelphia say they are currently sexually active (20 versus 45 percent) (Morbidity & Mortality Weekly Report [MMWR], June 8, 2012).

Regarding sex-related impulses, some experts believe that boys are more influenced by hormones and girls by culture (Baumeister & Blackhart, 2007). Perhaps. It does seem true that girls are more concerned than boys about the depth of the romance (Zani & Cicognani, 2006). Girls hope their partners say, “I’ll love you forever”; boys like to hear, “I want you now.”

However, everyone is influenced by biology, hormones, society, and culture. All adolescents have sexual interests (biology), which produce behaviours that teenagers in other nations would not engage in (culture) (Moore & Rosenthal, 2006).

Same Situation, Far Apart: Shared Joy Adults sometimes call teenage romances “puppy love,” as if couples were too immature and playful to experience true affection. Some adults assume that lust, not love, connects teen boys and girls. But as these couples in North America (left) and Estonia (right) show, strong emotional connections supersede sexual contact.

HILL STREET STUDIOS/GARY KIOUS/GETTY IMAGES
© ANDREAS MEICHSNER/VISUM/THE IMAGE WORKS

Same-Sex RomancesSexual orientation refers to the direction of a person’s erotic desires. One meaning of orient is to “turn toward”; thus, sexual orientation refers to whether a person is sexually and romantically attracted to people of the other sex, the same sex, or both sexes. That basic orientation seems primarily biological, but obviously culture is involved as well.

It is not known how many adolescents are romantically oriented toward people of their own sex, partly because sexual orientation can be strong, weak, acted upon, secretive, or unconscious. Relying on self-reports is bound to underestimate prevalence. One thing is clear: Increasing numbers of young adults are lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transexual. Many are supported by family, friends, and changing cultural norms and attitudes (see Figure 10.2).

FIGURE 10.2 Young and Old All generations show ncreasing support for same-sex marriage over time, and each succeeding generation shows a higher rate of support than the previous generation.

Source: Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, 2012.

Who and Where? This Ontario teen won the right to take his boyfriend to his school prom, and is making a speech at the gay pride parade in Halifax, Nova Scotia. This parade would not have occurred 50 years ago.

SCOTT DUNLOP/HALIFAX DAILY NEWS/CP IMAGES

Research in the United States indicates that boys who identify as male and girls who identify as female (no issue with gender identity), and who are attracted to people of their same sex, develop happily as long as society accepts them. However, many gay youth hide or deny their orientation by dating members of the other sex. Binge drinking, drug addiction, and suicidal thoughts are more common among this group, with bisexual youth and youth who are confused about their sexuality being particularly vulnerable (MMWR, June 10, 2011; Reiger & Savin Williams, 2012).

Possible Problems

As you read, teen births and abortions are declining worldwide. Furthermore, adolescents are more informed about sexuality than they were a few generations ago, and, at least in North America, the rate of teenage intercourse is lower in the twenty-first century than it was at the end of the twentieth. However, several problems are apparent.

Adolescent PregnancyPoverty and lack of education correlate with teenage pregnancy and a host of problems for both teenage mothers and their babies (Santelli & Melnikas, 2010). These problems begin even before birth. No matter what their SES, younger pregnant teenagers are often malnourished and postpone prenatal care (Borkowski et al., 2007). If a pregnant teenager is under 16 (most are not), complications—including spontaneous or induced abortion, high blood pressure, stillbirth, preterm birth, and a low-birth-weight newborn—are more likely.

What Next? Sherry, with her 11-month-old daughter, Alyssa, is a teen mom in Ontario. Teenage parents face numerous challenges. This child will reach puberty before Sherry is 30 and faces an increased risk of depression, delinquency, and another teen pregnancy.

RICK EGLINTON/TORONTO STAR VIA GETTY IMAGES

The risks to the mother decrease after age 16, but the children of young parents (even as “old” as 17 or 18) have more medical, educational, and social problems. From a developmental perspective, each child is born not only to the mother but also to the family. In previous generations, more family support was forthcoming. Since most teen mothers were married, most fathers were legally committed to the children of teenage mothers. Furthermore, unlike in the current job market, most such fathers could find employment. In addition, 50 years ago few grandmothers on either side of the family were in the labour force; they often helped with child care. Currently, some unmarried fathers and some employed grandmothers are committed to the children of teenage mothers, but on average family support is much less available than it once was.

Sexual AbuseChild sexual abuse is defined as any activity (including fondling and photographing) that sexually stimulates an adult and that involves a juvenile. The most common time for sexual abuse, which is often committed by family members, is when the first signs of puberty occur, with girls particularly vulnerable, although boys are also at risk.

Prevalence studies find national variations in sexual assault rates. In Canada, sexual assault is the second most common type of violence committed against children that is reported to the police. While both girls and boys are vulnerable to sexual abuse, 82 percent of child sex abuse victims were female. Children ages 12 to 14 years reported the highest rates of sexual abuse. (See Figure 10.3 for Canadian abuse data.)

FIGURE 10.3 Rates of Sexual Assault This graph shows that the rates of sexual assault are higher for females than for males at all ages. The rates are highest for females ages 12 to 17 years.

Source: Ogrodnik, 2010.

Relatively low child sexual abuse rates are reported from Asia, and relatively high rates are reported for girls in Australia and boys in Africa (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011). A study of the general population in England found that 2.8 percent of women and 0.8 percent of men had experienced unwanted intercourse before adulthood (Bebbington et al., 2011). International differences are affected by definitions and by the cultural willingness of adults to report past abuse (Hillberg et al., 2011). However, researchers worldwide agree that sexual abuse is not uncommon, that it is more likely than other forms of maltreatment to occur across the SES spectrum, that rates increase at puberty, and that it is equally prevalent among all ethnic groups.

Child sexual abuse is often rationalized by the abuser as relatively harmless, especially if it does not include intercourse or if a young teenager does not object. Yet research finds that the victims may be affected for many years. No matter what criteria are used, developmentalists conclude that the long-term harm from child sexual abuse is worse than the harm from other forms of maltreatment that are more obvious.

Remember that the HPA (hypothalamus–pituitary–adrenal) system regulates puberty and many other physiological responses. Many abuse victims show signs of a breakdown in the HPA regulatory system, which alters their cortisol responses. That produces heightened stress reactions in early adolescence, but then abnormally low stress responses in adulthood (Trickett et al., 2011).

Other research found that girls who have been sexually abused tend to experience earlier puberty, partly because of the dysregulation of the HPA axis (Mendle et al., 2011). As you remember from Chapter 9, early puberty for girls often leads to many other problems. Another study found that childhood sexual abuse correlates, in adulthood, with difficulty recognizing and expressing emotions, yet feeling depressed overall (Thomas et al., 2011).

Many studies indicate that the emotional consequences of childhood sexual abuse—night terrors, dangerous risk taking, serious addiction, suicidal depression—may linger for life. This may be the worst consequence of all: The brains of sex abuse victims may be forever changed, causing distressing flashbacks (such as nightmares of a man suddenly entering the bedroom), impulses (such as the urge to suffocate a lover), and fears (such as fear of being alone) that never disappear.

Infections and DiseasesTeen pregnancy, abortions, and sexual abuse are less common than they were a decade ago, perhaps because sex education is earlier and more relevant than it was. However, one major problem of teenage sex shows no signs of abating: sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Worldwide, sexually active teenagers have higher rates of the most common STIs—gonorrhea, genital herpes, and chlamydia—than do sexually active people of any other age group (World Health Organization [WHO], 2005). In Canada, youth ages 15 to 24 years experience some of the highest STIs rates of any age group (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2008).

STIs were earlier called sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) or venereal disease (VD), terms that referred to any infection transmitted through sexual contact. One reason for the name change is that diseases may be long-lasting, caused partly by factors that are hard to avoid (such as cancer or heart disease), whereas infections are transmitted from one person to another and are more likely to be cured if treated promptly. There are hundreds of STIs, each with distinct symptoms, treatment, and consequences (James, 2007). By calling them infections, perhaps people will be more likely to seek diagnosis and treatment.

Those who have sexual intercourse before age 16 are twice as likely to become infected as are those who begin sexual activity after age 19 (Ryan et al., 2008). One reason is biological. Fully developed women have some natural biological defences against STIs; this is less true for pubescent girls (WHO, 2005). In addition, if symptoms appear, teens are reluctant to seek diagnosis or alert their partners. Infections continue and spread as a result. In cultures or families in which teenage sex is forbidden, adolescents avoid treatment for STIs until pain requires it.

Condom use, which can protect against STIs, varies internationally. French 15-year-old teenagers are among the most likely to use condoms, as well as other protective measures simultaneously (called dual use). One reason may be that most French high schools (including Catholic ones) provide free, confidential medical care and condoms; by contrast, providing either one is illegal at many U.S. schools. The emphasis of sex education in France is on health protection, not sex avoidance. Fifteen-year-old teens in the United States are least likely to use condoms (68 percent), while teens in Canada are more likely to do so (78 percent) (Higgins & Cooper, 2012; Nic Gabhainn et al., 2009) (see TABLE 10.1). According to a Statistics Canada report, in 2009/2010, 68 percent of Canadian youth aged 15 to 24 said that they used condoms the last time they had intercourse, up from 62 percent in 2003 (Rotermann, 2012). Among those most reluctant to carry condoms or find treatment for STIs are adolescents with same-sex partners whose community considers their sexuality shameful.

Psychosocial ProblemsSexual health is multi-faceted, involving physical, emotional, mental, and social aspects of a person’s well-being (WHO, 2013b). So it is not surprising that early intercourse presages psychosocial problems later on. A study of 3923 adult women in the United States found that those who voluntarily had sex before age 16 were more likely to divorce later on, whether or not that early sex resulted in pregnancy and whether or not they married their first sexual partner. The same study found that adolescents of any age whose first sexual experience was unwanted (either “really didn’t want” or “had mixed feelings about”) were also more likely to later divorce (Paik, 2011).

Sex Education

Many adolescents have strong sexual urges but minimal logic about pregnancy and disease. That might be expected, given the power of intuitive thought and the differential maturation of the limbic system and prefrontal cortex. They do not know what is normal and what is dangerous, and they do not think logically unless they must.

Without guidance, millions of teenagers worry that they are oversexed, under-sexed, or deviant, unaware that thousands, maybe millions, of people are just like them. As a result, “students seem to waffle their way through sexually relevant encounters driven both by the allure of reward and the fear of negative consequences” (Wagner, 2011). Obviously, they have much to learn. Where do they learn it?

Learning From ParentsHome is where sex education begins. Every study finds that explicit parental communication is influential (Longmore et al., 2009). Ideally, parents are the best sex educators because they know their children well and can have private conversations that allow teens to ask personal questions. However, many parents wait too long to discuss sex, are silent about crucial aspects, and know little about their adolescents’ romances. For example, one study showed that most parents of 12-year-old girls did not know if their daughters had hugged or kissed a boy “for a long time” or hung out with older boys (signs that sex information is urgently needed) (O’Donnell et al., 2008).

What exactly should parents tell their children? That is the wrong question, according to a longitudinal study of thousands of adolescents. A more relevant question might be “How exactly should parents talk to their children?” The study showed that teenagers tended to ignore parental lectures, for instance, in which they were warned to stay away from sex. Adolescents were more likely to remain virgins if they had a warm relationship with their parents—specific information was less important than was open communication (Deptula et al., 2010).

Learning From PeersAdolescent sexual behaviour is strongly influenced by peers, especially when parents are silent, forbidding, or vague. Many younger adolescents discuss details of romance and sex with other members of their clique, seeking advice and approval (Laursen & Mooney, 2007).

Often the boys brag and the girls worry. Sometimes two inexperienced partners teach each other. However, the lessons from a sexual partner are more about pleasure and techniques than about consequences and protection. Only about half of U.S. adolescent couples discuss how they will avoid pregnancy and disease before they have sex (Ryan et al., 2007).

Learning From the MediaAnother source of sex information is the media. Sexual content appears almost seven times per hour on the TV shows most watched by teenagers (Steinberg & Monahan, 2011). That content is almost always enticing: Almost never does a television character develop an STI, deal with an unwanted pregnancy, or mention (much less use) a condom. Print media that teenagers read is no better. One study found that men’s magazines convince teenage boys that manliness means many sexual conquests (Ward et al., 2011).

The impact of exposure to sex on TV, in film, and in music is controversial (Collins et al., 2011; Steinberg & Monahan, 2011). Although there is a correlation between adolescent exposure to media sex and adolescent sexual initiation, that correlation may reflect selection, not cause. Perhaps teenagers watch sexy TV because they are sexually active, not vice versa. One analysis concludes that “the most important influences on adolescents’ sexual behavior may be closer to home than Hollywood” (Steinberg & Monahan, 2011).

Learning at SchoolMost northern European nations begin sex education in elementary school, and by middle school students learn about sexual responsibility, masturbation, same-sex romance, and oral and anal sex—subjects rarely covered in Canadian and U.S. classes. Rates of teenage pregnancy in most European nations are lower than those in North America; perhaps curriculum is the reason.

Many North American sex educators wish teachers would be more forthcoming about sex. However, probably the entire culture, not just the curriculum, is relevant. Within Canada, the curriculum for sex education varies from province to province. At present, Quebec is the only province that does not have mandatory sex education in school, although it has recently moved to reinstate mandatory sex education classes (Feldman, 2011). In the other provinces, changes to the curriculum are highly controversial. For example, Ontario has the oldest sex education curriculum in the country, introduced in 1998. A planned revision to the curriculum for Grades 1 to 8 was cancelled by the provincial government in 2010 after religious groups complained that it would introduce children to concepts, such as masturbation and same-sex relationships, that they were too young to handle (Carlson, 2011). A coalition of health and education experts continues to push the provincial government to update its outdated sex education curriculum (Brown, 2013).

The reality is that in the Internet age, many children and teens go online to learn about sex, often viewing pornography, which may not be the best way to develop a comprehensive knowledge and healthy attitudes about this realm of human experience. One commentator noted:

CLIVE GODDARD/WWW.CARTOONSTOCK.COM

Online pornography presents all sorts of challenges, but one question it raises is how society will deliver to its youth an alternative way of learning about sex, and about the joys, the dangers, and the responsibilities that go with it. It remains to be seen how provincial and territorial boards of education will meet the challenges posed by the “learning experiences” teenagers can access on the Internet and social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and Flickr.

According to a controlled nationwide study of sex education in the United Kingdom, whether or not an adolescent becomes sexually active depends more on family, peers, and culture than on information from classes (Allen et al., 2007). The success of sex education is measured not by whether adolescents can learn facts (most pass multiple-choice tests), but by whether their knowledge affects their behaviour (Kirby & Laris, 2009).