LO 12 Give examples of significant physical changes that occur during adolescence.

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT Adolescence is a time of dramatic physical growth, comparable to that which occurs during fetal development. The “growth spurt” includes rapid changes in height, weight, and bone growth, and usually begins between ages 9 and 10 for girls and ages 12 and 16 for boys. Sex hormones, which influence this growth and development, are at high levels.

Puberty is the period during which the body changes and becomes sexually mature and able to reproduce (Figure 8.5, below). During puberty, the primary sex characteristics (reproductive organs) mature; these include the ovaries, uterus, vagina, penis, scrotum, and testes. At the same time, the secondary sex characteristics (physical features not associated with reproduction) become more distinct; these include pubic, underarm, and body hair. Breast changes also occur in boys and girls (with the areola increasing in size), and fat increases in girls’ breasts. Adolescents experience changes to their skin and overall body hair. Girls’ pelvises begin to broaden, while boys experience a deepening of their voices and broadening of their shoulders.

It is during this time that girls experience menarche ('me-ˌnär-kē), the point at which menstruation begins. Menarche can occur as early as age 9 or after age 14, but typical onset is around 12 or 13. Boys experience spermarche ('spər-ˌmär-kē), their first ejaculation, during this time period as well (Ladouceur, 2012). But when it occurs is more difficult to specify, as boys may be reluctant to talk about the event (Mendle, Harden, Brooks-Gunn, & Graber, 2010).

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Not everyone goes through puberty at the same time. Some evidence suggests that early maturing adolescents face a greater risk of engaging in unsafe behaviors, such as drug and alcohol use (Shelton & van den Bree, 2010). Compared to their peers, girls who mature early seem to experience more negative outcomes than those who mature later, including increased anxiety, particularly social anxiety; they also appear to face a higher risk of emotional problems and delinquent behaviors (Blumenthal et al., 2011; Harden & Mendle, 2012). Early maturing girls are more likely to smoke, drink alcohol, have lower self-confidence, and later take on jobs that are “less prestigious.” There are certain factors that can reduce such risks, though, including parents who show warmth and support (Shelton & van den Bree, 2010).

Boys who mature early generally have a more positive experience and do not show evidence of increased anxiety (Blumenthal et al., 2011). But, when researchers examine the “tempo,” or speed, with which boys reach full sexual maturity, they find that rapid development can be associated with a range of problems, including aggressive behavior, cheating, and temper tantrums (Marceau, Ram, Houts, Grimm, & Susman, 2011).

Adolescence is a time when sexual interest peaks, yet teenagers don’t always make the best choices when it comes to sexual activity. A study by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 2008a) found that over 25% of girls (approximately 1 in 4) between ages 14 and 19 are infected with “at least one of the most common sexually transmitted diseases” (para. 1). Over half of new sexually transmitted infections affect young people ages 15–24; keep in mind that this group represents only 25% of the sexually active population (CDC, 2013). Sexually transmitted infections are especially risky for adolescents because they often go untreated and can lead to a host of problems, including long-term sterility.

LO 13 Explain how Piaget described cognitive changes that take place during adolescence.

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Alongside the remarkable physical changes of adolescence are equally remarkable cognitive developments. As noted earlier, children in this age range are better able to distinguish between abstract and hypothetical situations. This ability is an indication that a teenager has entered Piaget’s formal operational stage, which begins in adolescence and continues into adulthood. During this period, the adolescent begins to use deductive reasoning to draw conclusions and critical thinking to approach arguments. She can reason abstractly, classify ideas, and use symbols. The adolescent can think beyond the current moment, pondering the future and considering many possibilities. She may begin to contemplate what will happen beyond high school, including career choices and education.

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A specific type of egocentrism emerges in adolescence. Before this age, children can only imagine the world from their own perspective, but during adolescence they begin to be aware of others’ perspectives. Egocentrism is still apparent, however, as they believe others share their preoccupations. For example, a teenager who focuses on his appearance will think that others are focusing on his appearance as well (Elkind, 1967). Adolescents also tend to believe that everyone thinks the same way they do.

This intense focus on the self may lead to a feeling of immortality, which can result in risk-taking behaviors (Elkind, 1967). Because they have not had many life experiences, adolescents may fail to consider the long-term consequences of their behaviors. They may fail to consider the repercussions of unprotected sex or drug use, for instance. Their focus on the present (for example, having fun in the moment) outweighs their ability to assess the potential harm in the future (pregnancy or addiction). So to help adolescents stop engaging in risky behaviors such as smoking, we might focus on short-term consequences, like bad breath when kissing a partner, rather than long-term dangers such as lung cancer (Robbins & Bryan, 2004).

THE ADOLESCENT BRAIN Risk taking in adolescence is thought to result from characteristics of the adolescent brain. The limbic system, which is responsible for processing emotions and perceiving rewards and punishments, undergoes significant development during adolescence. Another important change is the increased myelination of axons in the prefrontal cortex, which improves the connections within the brain involved in planning, weighing consequences, and multitasking (Steinberg, 2012). But the relatively quicker development of the limbic system in comparison to the prefrontal cortex can lead to risk-taking behavior. Because the prefrontal cortex has not yet fully developed, the adolescent may not foresee the possible consequences of reward-seeking activities that are supported by the reward center of the limbic system. Changes to the structure of the brain continue through adolescence, resulting in a fully adult brain between the ages of 22 and 25, and a decline in risk-taking behaviors (Giedd et al., 2009; Steinberg, 2010, 2012). But the studies on brain structure provide results for groups, which may not apply to every person. We cannot use such findings to draw definitive conclusions about individual teenagers (Bonnie & Scott, 2013).

Adolescence is also a time of great socioemotional development. During this period, children become more independent from their parents. Conflicts may result as an adolescent searches for his identity, or sense of who he is based on his values, beliefs, and goals. Until this point in development, the child’s identity was based primarily on the parents’ or caregivers’ values and beliefs. Adolescents explore who they are by trying out different ideas in a variety of categories, including politics and religion. Once these areas have been explored, they begin to commit to a particular set of beliefs and attitudes, making decisions to engage in activities related to their evolving identity. However, their commitment may shift back and forth, sometimes on a day-to-day basis (Klimstra et al., 2010).

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LO 14 Describe how Erikson explained changes in identity during adolescence.

ERIKSON AND ADOLESCENCE Erikson’s theory of development addresses this important issue of identity formation (Erikson & Erikson, 1997). The time from puberty to the twenties is the stage of ego identity versus role confusion, which is marked by the creation of an adult identity. The adolescent strives to define himself. If the tasks and crises of Erikson’s first four psychosocial stages have not been successfully resolved, the adolescent may enter this stage with distrust toward others, and feelings of shame, guilt, and inadequacy (see Table 8.3). In order to be accepted, he may try to be all things to all people.

It is during this period that one wrestles with some important life questions: What career do I want to pursue?What kind of relationship should I have with my parents?What religion (if any) is compatible with my views, beliefs, and goals? This stage often involves “trying out” different roles. A person who resolves this stage successfully emerges with a stronger sense of her values, beliefs, and goals. One who fails to resolve role confusion will not have a solid sense of identity and may experience withdrawal, isolation, or continued role confusion. However, just because we reach adulthood doesn’t mean our identity stops evolving. As we will soon see, there is still plenty of growth throughout life.

PARENTS AND ADOLESCENTS What role does a parent play during this difficult period? Generally speaking, parent–adolescent relationships are positive (Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, 1991), but conflict does increase during early adolescence (Van Doorn, Branje, & Meeus, 2011), and it frequently relates to issues of control and parental authority. Often these parent–teen struggles revolve around everyday issues such as curfews, chores, schoolwork, and personal hygiene. Fortunately, conflict tends to decline as both parties become more comfortable with the adolescent’s growing sense of autonomy and self-reliance (Lichtwarck-Aschoff, Kunnen, & van Geert, 2009; Montemayor, 1983).

FRIENDS Friends become increasingly influential during adolescence. Some parents express concern about the negative influence of peers; however, it is typical for adolescents to form relationships with others of the same age and with whom they might share beliefs and interests. These friendships tend to support the types of behaviors and beliefs parents encouraged during childhood (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). Adolescents tend to behave more impulsively in front of their peers than do adults. It appears that social pressure may inhibit their ability to “put the brakes on” impulsivity in decision making (Albert, Chein, & Steinberg, 2013). But peers can also have a positive influence, supporting prosocial behaviors—getting good grades or helping others, for example (Roseth, Johnson, & Johnson, 2008; Wentzel, McNamara Barry, & Caldwell, 2004). With the use of smartphones and tablets, these negative and positive influences are often transmitted through digital space.

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SOCIAL MEDIA and psychology

LO 15 Summarize Kohlberg’s levels of moral development.

Moral development is another important aspect of socioemotional growth. Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987), influenced by the work of Piaget, proposed three levels of moral development that occur in sequence over the life span. These levels, which are further divided into two stages, focus on specific changes in beliefs about right and wrong (Figure 8.6, below).

Kohlberg used a variety of fictional stories about moral dilemmas to determine the stage of moral reasoning of participants in his studies. The Heinz dilemma is a story about a man named Heinz who was trying to save his critically ill wife. Heinz did not have enough money to buy a drug that could save her, so after trying unsuccessfully to borrow money, he finally decided to steal the drug. The two questions asked of individuals in Kohlberg’s studies were these: “Should the husband have done that? Was it right or wrong?” (Kohlberg, 1981, p. 12). Kohlberg was not really interested in whether his participants thought Heinz should steal the drug or not; instead, the goal was to determine the moral reasoning behind their answers.

Although Kohlberg described moral development as sequential and universal in its progression, he noted that environmental influences and interactions with others (particularly those at a higher level of moral reasoning) support its continued development. Additionally, not everyone progresses through all three levels; an individual may get stuck at an early stage and remain at that level of morality throughout life. Let’s look at these three levels.

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PRECONVENTIONAL MORAL REASONING From the time a toddler or preschooler begins to understand the connection between behavior and its consequences, she can begin to think about moral issues and make decisions about what is right and wrong. Preconventional moral reasoning usually applies to young children, and it focuses on the consequences of behaviors, both good and bad. For children in Stage 1 (punishment and obedience orientation), “goodness” and “badness” are determined by whether a behavior is punished. For example, a child decides not to cheat on a test because she is worried about getting caught and then punished. Thus, consequences drive the belief about what is right and wrong. Regarding the Heinz dilemma, a child at this level may say the husband should not steal the drug because he may go to jail if caught. Children in Stage 2 (instrumental–relativist orientation) behave in accordance with a “marketplace” mentality, looking out for their own needs most of the time. The world is seen as an exchange of goods and services, so giving to others does not occur out of loyalty or fairness, but for the hope of reciprocity—“You scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours” (Kohlberg & Hersh, 1977, p. 55).

CONVENTIONAL MORAL REASONING At puberty, conventional moral reasoning is used, and determining right and wrong is informed by expectations from society and important others, not simply personal consequences. The emphasis is on conforming to society’s rules and regulations. In Stage 3 (interpersonal concordance orientation), actions that are helpful or please others are considered “good.” Gaining approval (being a “good boy” or “nice girl”) is an important motivator. Faced with the Heinz dilemma, the adolescent might suggest that because society says a husband must take care of his wife, Heinz should steal the drugs so that others won’t think poorly of him. In Stage 4 (law and order orientation), the focus is on rules and social order. Duty and obedience to authorities define what is right. Heinz should not steal because stealing is against the law. Cheating on exams is not right because one is obligated to uphold a student code of conduct (Kohlberg & Hersh, 1977).

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POSTCONVENTIONAL MORAL REASONING The third level of Kohlberg’s theory is postconventional moral reasoning. Right and wrong are determined by the individual’s beliefs about morality, which may be inconsistent with society’s rules and regulations. Stage 5 (social contract, legalistic orientation) reasoning suggests that laws should be followed when they are upheld by society as a whole; but, if a law does not exhibit “social utility,” it should be changed to meet the needs of society. In other words, a law-and-order approach isn’t always morally right. Someone using this type of reasoning might suggest that Heinz should steal the drug because the laws of society fail to consider his unique situation. In Stage 6 (universal ethical principle orientation), moral behavior is determined by universal principles of justice, equality, and respect for human life. An understanding of the “right” thing to do is guided not only by what is universally regarded as right, but also by one’s conscience and personal ethical perspective. With regard to the Heinz dilemma, someone using postconventional moral reasoning would thoughtfully consider all possible options, but ultimately decide that human life overrides societal laws.

CRITICISMS Kohlberg’s theory of moral development has not been without criticism. Carol Gilligan (1982) leveled a number of serious critiques, suggesting that the theory did not represent women’s moral reasoning. She noted that Kohlberg’s initial studies included only male participants, introducing bias into his research findings. Gilligan suggested that Kohlberg had discounted the importance of caring and responsibility and that his choice of an all-male sample was partially to blame. Another issue with Kohlberg’s theory is that it focuses on the moral reasoning of individuals, and thus is primarily applicable to Western cultures; in more collectivist cultures, the focus is on the group (Endicott, Bock, & Narvaez, 2003). One last concern about Kohlberg’s theory is that we can define and measure moral reasoning, but predicting moral behavior is not always easy. Research that examines moral reasoning and moral behavior indicates that the ability to predict moral behavior is weak at best (Blasi, 1980; Krebs & Denton, 2005).

LO 16 Define gender and explain how culture plays a role in its development.

One important developmental process, which can unfold at any point in life but often occurs during childhood and adolescence, is the establishment of gender identity. Gender refers to the dimension of masculinity and femininity based on social, cultural, and psychological characteristics. Men are typically perceived as masculine, and women are assumed to be feminine. But concepts of masculine and feminine vary according to culture, social context, and the individual. According to the American Psychiatric Association (2013), “gender” also indicates the public and often legally recognized role a person has as a man or woman, boy or girl. Gender identity is the feeling or sense of being either male or female, and compatibility, contentment, and conformity with one’s gender (Egan & Perry, 2001; Tobin et al., 2010).

LEARNING GENDER ROLES We learn how to behave in gender-appropriate ways through the gender roles designated by our culture. This understanding of expected male and female behavior is generally demonstrated by around age 2 or 3. So too is the ability to differentiate between boys and girls, and men and women (Zosuls, Miller, Ruble, Martin, & Fabes, 2011). Let’s explore how these gender roles are learned.

The social-cognitive theory suggests that gender roles can be acquired through observational learning (Bussey & Bandura, 1999; Else-Quest, Higgins, Allison, & Morton, 2012; Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). We learn from our observations of others in our environment, particularly those of the same gender. Children also learn and model the behaviors represented in electronic media and books (Kingsbury & Coplan, 2012).

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Gender roles are also established through operant conditioning. Children often receive reinforcement for behaviors considered gender-appropriate and punishment (or lack of attention) for those viewed as inappropriate. Parents, caregivers, relatives, and peers reinforce gender-appropriate behavior by smiling, laughing, or encouraging. But when children exhibit gender-inappropriate behavior (a boy playing with a doll, for example), the people in their lives might frown, get worried, or even put a stop to it. Through this combination of encouragement and discouragement a child learns to conform to society’s expectations.

Keep in mind that not all parents and caregivers are passionate about preserving traditional gender roles. Researchers have found that children develop more fluid ideas about gender-appropriate behavior in environments that do not specify strict gender roles (Hupp, Smith, Coleman, & Brunell, 2010).

COGNITION AND GENDER SCHEMAS Children also seem to develop gender roles by actively processing information (Bem, 1981). In other words, kids think about the behaviors they observe, including the differences between males and females. They watch their parents’ behavior, often following suit (Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). Using the information they have gathered, they develop a variety of gender-specific rules they believe should be followed—for example, girls help around the house, boys play with model cars (Yee & Brown, 1994). These rules provide the framework for gender schemas, which are the psychological or mental guidelines that dictate how to be masculine or feminine.

BIOLOGY AND GENDER Clearly, culture and learning influence the development of gender-specific behaviors and interests, but could biology play a role too? Research on nonhuman primates suggests this is the case (Hines, 2011a). A growing body of literature points to a link between testosterone exposure in utero and specific play behaviors (Swan et al., 2010). For example, male and female infants as young as 3 to 8 months demonstrate gender-specific toy preferences that cannot be explained by mere socialization or learning (Hines, 2011b). Research using eye-tracking technology reveals that baby girls spend more time looking at dolls, while boys tend to focus on toy trucks (Alexander, Wilcox, & Woods, 2009). And thus it seems, not all gender-specific behaviors can be attributed to culture and upbringing; this principle is well illustrated by the heartbreaking story of Bruce Reimer.

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Nature and Nurture

GENDER-ROLE STEREOTYPES The case of Bruce Reimer touches on another important topic: gender-role stereotypes. Growing up, David (who was called “Brenda” at the time) did not enjoy wearing dresses and playing “girl” games. He didn’t adhere to the gender-role stereotypes assigned to little girls. Gender-role stereotypes, which begin to take hold around age 3, are strong ideas about the nature of males and females—how they should dress, what kinds of games they should like, and so on. Decisions about children’s toys, in particular, follow strict gender-role stereotypes (boys play with trucks, girls play with dolls), and any crossing over risks ridicule from peers, sometimes even adults. Gender-role stereotypes are apparent in toy commercials (Kahlenberg & Hein, 2010) and pictures in coloring books (Fitzpatrick & McPherson, 2010). They also manifest themselves in academic settings. For example, many girls have negative attitudes about math, which seem to be associated with parents’ and teachers’ expectations about gender differences in math competencies (Gunderson, Ramirez, Levine, & Beilock, 2012).

Children, especially boys, tend to cling to gender-role stereotypes very tightly. You are much more likely to see a girl playing with a “boy” toy than a boy playing with a “girl” toy. Society, in turn, is more tolerant of girls who cross gender stereotypes. In many cultures, the actions of a tomboy (a girl who behaves in ways society considers masculine) are more acceptable than those of a “sissy”—a derogatory term for a boy who acts in a stereotypically feminine way (Martin & Ruble, 2010; Thorne, 1993). Despite such judgments, some children do not conform to societal pressure (Tobin et al., 2010).

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ANDROGYNY Those who cross gender-role boundaries and engage in behaviors associated with both genders are said to exhibit androgyny. An androgynous person might be nurturing (generally considered a feminine quality) and assertive (generally considered a masculine quality), thus demonstrating characteristics associated with both genders (Johnson et al., 2006). But concepts of masculine and feminine—and therefore what constitutes androgyny—are not consistent across cultures. In North America, notions about gender are revealed in clothing colors; parents frequently dress boy babies in blue and girl babies in pink. In the African nation of Swaziland, on the other hand, children are dressed androgynously, wearing any color of the rainbow (Bradley, 2011).

TRANSGENDER AND TRANSSEXUAL At birth, most people are identified as male or female; this is referred to as an infant’s natal gender, or gender assignment. When natal gender does not feel right, an individual may have transgender experiences. According to the American Psychological Association, transgender refers to people “whose gender identity,gender expression, or behavior does not conform to that typically associated with the sex to which they were assigned at birth” (APA, 2011a, p. 1). Remember that gender identity is the feeling or sense of being either male or female. For a person who is transgender, a mismatch occurs between that sense of identity and the gender assignment at birth. This disparity can be temporary or persistent (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Approximately 700,000 individuals in the United States (around 0.2% of the population) consider themselves to be transgender (Gates, 2011).

When the discrepancy between natal gender and gender identity leads to significant experiences and/or expression of distress, an individual might meet the criteria for a gender dysphoria diagnosis (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Some transgender individuals try to resolve this discontent through medical intervention. According to the American Psychiatric Association, a person is considered transsexual if he or she seeks or undergoes “a social transition from male to female or female to male, which in many, but not all, cases also involve[s] a somatic transition by cross-sex hormone treatment and genital surgery (sex reassignment surgery)” (p. 451, italics in original).

Childhood and adolescence pave the way for the stage of life known as adulthood. In the United States, the legal age of adulthood is 18 for some activities (voting, military enlistment) and 21 for others (drinking, financial responsibilities). These ages are not consistent across cultures and countries (the legal drinking age in some nations is as young as 16). Many cultures and religions mark the transition into adulthood by ceremonies and rituals (for example, Jewish bar/bat mitzvahs, Australian walkabouts, Christian confirmations, Latin American quinceañeras), starting as early as age 12.

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Complicating the demarcation between adolescence and adulthood is the fact that young people in today’s Western societies are marrying much later (Arnett, 2000; Elliott, Krivickas, Brault, & Kreider, 2012), and remaining dependent on their families for longer periods of time (Figure 8.7). Psychologists now propose a phase known as emerging adulthood, which is the time of life between 18 and 25 years of age. Emerging adulthood is neither adolescence nor early adulthood, and it is a period of exploration and opportunity. The emerging adult has neither the permanent responsibilities of adulthood nor the dependency of adolescence. By this time, most adolescent egocentrism has disappeared, which is apparent in intimate relationships and empathy (Elkind, 1967). During this stage, one can seek out loving relationships, education, and new views of the world before settling into the relative permanency of family and career (Arnett, 2000).

Question 1

1. primary sex characteristics.

2. secondary sex characteristics.

3. menarche.

4. puberty.

Question 2

1. formal operational stage.

2. concrete operational stage.

3. ego identity versus role confusion stage.

4. instrumental–relativist orientation.

Question 3

Question 4